USA Today: ‘Keep your mouth shut.’ Tempers flare in the Capitol with no shutdown solution in sight

The House minority leader yelled at a Republican congressman to “keep (his) mouth shut.” And that’s just the start of it.

Two weeks into a government shutdown with no end in sight, tensions are high and getting hotter among the people with the power to the end it.

At the U.S. Capitol this week, two Democratic senators confronted the Republican speaker of the House outside his office, accusing him of “covering up for pedophiles” by avoiding a vote to release more information on the late sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.

On the same day, the Democratic House minority leader separately yelled at a Republican congressman to “keep your mouth shut.” And that’s just the start of it.

The testy scenes underscore an increasingly bitter rapport between America’s two major political parties, as the first government shutdown in seven years approaches the start of a third week. Lawmakers were making little effort to resolve their differences in public. The House of Representatives has not taken a vote in more than three weeks and the Senate has yet to work through a weekend since funding lapsed at the end of the fiscal year on Sept. 30.

At the same time, the stakes of the shutdown are rising. On Wednesday, Oct. 15, military service members will miss their first paycheck since the shutdown crisis began. Funding for a key food aid program relied on by millions of mothers and infants will likely run out of money in the coming days. And key economic data needed to calculate Social Security payments for more than 70 million Americans next year doesn’t seem to be coming anytime soon.

Members of Congress say they are starting to feel the pressure. “I’m trying to muster every ounce of Christian charity that I can,” Speaker Mike Johnson, R-Louisiana, said of dealing with the Democrats.

“It’s bare knuckles in this fight,” added Rep. Jimmy Gomez, D-California.

Senators confront speaker

On Wednesday, Oct. 8, two Democratic senators from Arizona were complaining about Johnson outside his office.

That’s when the speaker emerged and walked toward the senators, Ruben Gallego and Mark Kelly, who then criticized him over refusing to swear in a new Democratic congresswoman from their state during the shutdown.

Once Rep.-elect Adelita Grijalva officially takes office, they pointed out, she’ll likely deliver the final vote needed to pass a measure forcing the Justice Department to publicly release more Epstein files.

The senators accused Johnson of keeping members of the House of Representatives away from the Capitol in order to delay the Epstein vote.

“We’re going to do that as soon as we get back to work. But we need the lights turned back on,” Johnson told them, according to video from the news outlet NOTUS. “You guys are experts in red herrings … This has nothing to do with Epstein.”

“You just keep coming up with excuses,” Gallego fired back.

The fiery exchange drew the attention of security guards, staffers and reporters, many of whom stood nearby, phones drawn, watching intently. It ended with all three politicians talking over each at the same time. Video of the encounter spread online.

Johnson drew even more heat when he took calls on C-SPAN the next morning. A rotation of frustrated Americans criticized him for failing to negotiate a solution to the shutdown. One caller in particular, a woman who said she was a military wife in northern Virginia who lives paycheck-to-paycheck, told the speaker of the House that her “kids could die” if troops go without pay.

Top Democrat to congressman: ‘Keep your mouth shut’

In another acrimonious scene the same day, a conversation between a Republican congressman and the leader of House Democrats devolved into a shouting match.

Rep. Mike Lawler, R-New York, confronted House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, D-New York, about his refusal to support a one-year extension of expiring health insurance subsidies, which are at the center of the shutdown fight.

“It’s sad,” Lawler said, holding up a copy of a proposed bill to continue the subsidies, which come in the form of tax credits.

“Why don’t you just keep your mouth shut,” Jeffries said.

The ruckus drew a gaggle of onlookers, many of whom filmed the interaction, which went viral afterward. Talking to reporters after the fracas, Lawler said Democrats are “so full of (expletive), it’s not even funny.”

At a Cabinet meeting in the White House the next day, President Donald Trump weighed in on the shutdown with a series of jabs at the political oppoisiton. “We really don’t know who the hell is leading the Democrats,” Trump said.

Glimmers of bipartisanship

There are still some glimmers of bipartisanship in the halls of the Capitol.

Senators on both sides of the aisle are still talking to each other. Back-channel conversations continue among lawmakers on a potential health care deal that could help bring Democrats around to voting to reopen the government, though Sen. Markwayne Mullin, R-Oklahoma, described those negotiations this week as “stalled.”

Likewise, Gallego gave the GOP some credit. “I’ve been talking to my Republican friends,” he told reporters. “They do want to figure out a way out.”

http://usatoday.com/story/news/politics/2025/10/11/government-shutdown-trump-democrats/86608206007/

MSNBC: Steve Rattner: Red states use Obamacare more; health care cuts hit red states hardest

Morning Joe economic analyst Steve Rattner discusses how the government shutdown is impacting health care.

https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/politics/steve-rattner-red-states-use-obamacare-more-health-care-cuts-hit-red-states-hardest/vi-AA1O92u4

Raw Story: MAGA influencer calls on Trump to use ‘the sword’ against enemies of conservative ‘martyr’

MAGA influencer Benny Johnson called on President Donald Trump and his administration to ‘wield the sword’ against the enemies of slain conservative activist Charlie Kirk during Kirk’s memorial service in Glendale, Arizona, on Sunday.

Johnson, who hosts an eponymous MAGA podcast, made the comments during his speech at Kirk’s memorial. The service was attended by high-profile administration figures like Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard, and Trump himself.

During his speech, Johnson compared the Trump administration to the “godly government” that the Apostle Paul wrote about in the Book of Romans. He said God saved Trump’s life from an assassin’s bullet so that he could lead the country through the aftermath of Kirk’s death.

Johnson also lobbed a thinly veiled threat of violence against those he considers “evil men” following Kirk’s assassination.

“And what does the Apostle Paul say in Romans about a godly leadership?” Johnson asked. “He says that rules wield the sword for the protection of good men and for the terror of evil men.”

“May we pray that our rules here, rightfully instituted and given power by our god, wield the sword for the terror of evil men in our nation in Charlie’s memory,” he added.

Johnson also compared Kirk to Stephen from the Book of Acts. Stephen is the Christian tradition’s first martyr because he was stoned to death for his faith.

“Charlie Kirk is a martyr in the true Christian tradition,” Johnson said. “If you cut down a tyrant, his power goes away. If you take out a martyr, his power grows, and that’s what we see time and time again. We’re seeing it across this country.”

“The power of Christ’s blood and the power of martyrdom speak through Charlie,” he continued.

https://www.rawstory.com/benny-johnson-2674014495

Slingshot News: ‘We Did It With Bobby And Oz’: Trump Invents A New Lie, Claims He Has Found The Cure To Autism During Charlie Kirk Memorial Ceremony [Video]

President Donald Trump claimed, without a shred of evidence, that he has cured autism with Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and Dr. Mehmet Oz during the Charlie Kirk memorial ceremony in Arizona this afternoon.

https://www.msn.com/en-us/health/medical/we-did-it-with-bobby-and-oz-trump-invents-a-new-lie-claims-he-has-found-the-cure-to-autism-during-charlie-kirk-memorial-ceremony/vi-AA1N1ll8

Newsweek: Tucker Carlson urges “civil disobedience” if Trump DOJ targets hate speech

Tucker Carlson warned in a special episode of his show on Tuesday that “civil disobedience” could erupt should the Trump administration and other “bad actors” use Charlie Kirk’s death as a means to attack free speech.

Why It Matters

Kirk, 31, co-founder and executive director of the national conservative organization Turning Point USA, was fatally shot September 10 during a speaking engagement at Utah Valley University in Orem, Utah. Immediately following his death, President Donald Trump ordered flags to be at half-staff, and in the days since, some conservatives have openly called for stricter free-speech barriers, including on college campuses.

U.S. Attorney General Pam [“Bimbo #3”] Bondi said and later defended the Department of Justice‘s intent to crack down on “hate speech” nationwide, saying threats of violence are federal crimes under the U.S. Constitution. [“Bimbo #3”] Bondi’s remarks have been met with vitriol from people on both sides of the political aisle, with many quoting Kirk’s own words and sentiments regarding the sanctity of free speech.

What To Know

Carlson opened Wednesday’s episode of The Tucker Carlson Show, a tribute to Kirk called “America After Charlie Kirk,” featuring conservative and liberal guests, including Megyn Kelly and Cenk Uygur, with a near 35-minute introduction about the former conservative commentator’s legacy and how free speech is essentially more vital than ever.

“Consider what it means if you don’t respect free speech, which is another way of saying free conscience—the right of other people to make up their own minds about the basic questions of what is right or wrong, and to express their views on those issues,” Carlson said.

“If you don’t respect the right of other people to do that, and if you take steps to prevent them from doing that, what are you really saying? You’re saying, “I don’t think you have a soul. You’re a meat puppet I can control. I think you’re an animal, maybe a sub-animal. You’re a slave.'”

Carlson then invoked [“Bimbo #3”] Bondi into the argument, referencing her recent remarks on free speech and so-called hate speech in the wake of Kirk’s murder.

Kirk would not have objected to anything more than Bondi’s words of purported defense of free speech, Carlson said, adding that perhaps she “didn’t think it through and was not attempting to desecrate the memory of the person she was purporting to celebrate.

“You hope Charlie Kirk’s death won’t be used by a group we now call bad actors to create a society that was the opposite of the one he worked to build,” Carlson said. “You hope that! You hope a year from now, the turmoil we’re seeing in the aftermath of his murder won’t be leveraged to bring hate speech laws to this country.

“And trust me…if that does happen, there is never a more justified moment for civil disobedience than that—ever, and there never will be. Because if they can tell you what to say, they’re telling you what to think, there is nothing they can’t do to you because they don’t consider you human. They don’t believe you have a soul.”

Jimmy Kimmel Suspension

On Wednesday, ABC announced it had suspended Jimmy Kimmel Live! indefinitely following backlash over comments host Jimmy Kimmel made about Kirk.

“We hit some new lows over the weekend with the MAGA gang desperately trying to characterize this kid who murdered Charlie Kirk as anything other than one of them and doing everything they can to score political points from it,” Kimmel said on air.

Following Kirk’s death, Kimmel called the murder “senseless,” and the longtime talk show host had also issued a message of love to Kirk’s family in an Instagram post.

Kimmel’s suspension came hours after FCC Chairman Brendan Carr publicly criticized Kimmel’s remarks and suggested regulatory consequences. The move also coincides with Nexstar Media Group’s pending $6.2 billion merger with Tegna, which is subject to FCC approval—raising questions about whether corporate and regulatory pressures influenced the network’s response.

In the aftermath of the Kirk shooting, some conservatives have praised the firing of individuals from their respective jobs after making comments online that were deemed in poor taste.

Other conservatives have lauded Kirk and advocated for statues to be erected in his honor.

What People Are Saying

Ryan McCormick, managing partner at New York-based Goldman McCormick public relations, told Newsweek: “The abrupt termination of Jimmy Kimmel’s show seems perplexing considering how valuable it had been to ABC. According to TVREV, it ranked as the network’s 10th best ad earner, delivering 11.8 billion national TV ad impressions.

“For something like this to happen, it would likely seem that the legal implications of Kimmel’s controversial statements must either be substantial, the reputational fallout from Kimmel’s recent comments was too severe to contain, or ABC had been planning to do this all along but was waiting for the right moment. From a PR perspective, it seems the die was cast for this day to come when Kimmel made his program politically polarizing (permanently narrowing the audience size).”

New York trial attorney Nicole Brenecki told Newsweek: “If a network parts ways with a host because of something they said, it’s typically a business or contractual decision, not a First Amendment violation. The U.S. Constitution protects individuals from government censorship, but private companies have their own standards and are generally free to make programming choices—even if those choices spark public debate about free expression.”

What Happens Next

One week after Kirk’s shooting and death, tensions remain high and conversation continues surrounding free speech and political violence.

https://www.newsweek.com/tucker-carlson-jimmy-kimmel-abc-trump-free-speech-2131881

New York Times: He Raised Three Marines. His Wife Is American. The U.S. Wants to Deport Him.

After three decades in California, Narciso Barranco was arrested by agents while weeding outside an IHOP, stirring outrage and a fight to stop his deportation.

Before dawn on June 21, Narciso Barranco loaded his weed trimmer, lawn mower and leaf blower into his white F-150 pickup. He had three IHOP restaurants to landscape and then seven homes. His goal was to finish in time to cook dinner with his wife, Martha Hernandez.

It was a cool Saturday morning in Tustin, Calif., about 35 miles south of Los Angeles. After wrapping up work at the first IHOP, Mr. Barranco stopped to buy a wheel of fresh white cheese. He returned home and left it on the kitchen counter for Ms. Hernandez before driving seven minutes to an IHOP in Santa Ana.

He paid no attention to the Home Depot across the parking lot. Later, he would wish he had been more aware.

Migrants for decades have gathered outside the big-box stores, hoping a contractor or homeowner might offer a day’s work. But under President Trump’s immigration crackdown, Home Depot has become a prime target for federal agents under pressure to round up undocumented people like Mr. Barranco, who slipped across the border from Mexico more than 30 years ago.

Mr. Barranco, 48, was weeding between bushes when men in masks descended on him. He raised the head of his weed trimmer as he retreated. The authorities would say they believed he was attacking them; Mr. Barranco’s family said he was scared and just trying to move away, not to harm anyone. But in a tweet, the Department of Homeland Security would cite that moment to justify what happened next.

Mr. Barranco’s memory of his arrest is fragmented: the blinding sting of pepper spray; beefy federal agents taking him down and pinning him to the pavement; their relentless blows; the pain radiating from his left shoulder.

He didn’t dispute that he was in the country unlawfully. Still, he pleaded his case to the agents as they wrenched his arms behind his back.

“I have three boys in the Marines,” he recalled blurting out in English.

Surely that would count for something?

Mr. Trump’s mass deportation project is forcing many Americans to confront the question of what kind of country they want.

According to polls, Americans strongly agree that immigrants without legal status should be deported if they have been convicted of a violent crime. But support for Mr. Trump’s immigration sweeps begins to erode when people are asked about the much larger group of undocumented immigrants with no police record who have worked and raised families in the United States.

The arrest of Mr. Barranco, a Latino man doing a job that many other Latinos in California do, quickly became a rallying point for those who believe enforcement actions have gone too far. A slight man with a reserved demeanor, Mr. Barranco had built a life in the shadows, tending the lawns and flower beds of Southern California’s suburban homes and commercial properties. He had no criminal record.

All three of his sons are United States citizens, having been born in California. Alejandro, 25, was a combat engineer who deployed to Afghanistan to assist with the U.S. withdrawal. Jose Luis, 23, was released from military duty last month and plans to study nursing. Emanuel, 21, is still in the Marines, based in San Diego. The sons could have sponsored him for a green card but were discouraged by the time it would take and the thousands of dollars it would cost.

Ms. Hernandez, Mr. Barranco’s wife and the stepmother of the three young men, is also an American citizen.

Walter Salaverria, the IHOP operations director who hired Mr. Barranco, described him as “humble, hardworking, not just about the money.”

He added, “If I had 50 restaurants, I would give them to him.”

For years, many Americans have relied on immigrants to do the jobs they avoided — cleaning, building, picking fruits and vegetables, manicuring lawns and gardens. Under previous Republican and Democratic administrations, undocumented people who worked hard and stayed out of trouble could largely expect to be left alone.

Now that masked federal agents are pepper spraying these people and tackling them in the streets, some Americans are thinking of them differently — or perhaps thinking of them for the first time.

After the agents subdued Mr. Barranco, they shoved him, hands shackled behind his back, into an unmarked vehicle. He was soon transferred to a van with another immigrant who said he had been snatched as he left the Home Depot.

Mr. Barranco said an agent flung water on his bloody face and head. He said he pleaded with the agent to tie his hands in front of him because his shoulder hurt. “I was crying,” he recalled. “I said, ‘I won’t run. Just tie my hands in front; I can’t stand the pain.’”

By nightfall, he was crammed into a constantly lit basement in downtown Los Angeles with 70 other men. The air was thick with stench and despair. There was one exposed toilet. Some men slept standing, he said.

Mr. Barranco left a tearful voice mail message for Alejandro, informing him that he had been arrested and didn’t know where he was being held. His wallet and cellphone were still inside his truck outside the IHOP. Could someone retrieve them?

Two days later, after locating his father, Alejandro drove to Los Angeles and waited nearly four hours to see him, only to be turned away, like dozens of others, when visitation hours ended.

When Alejandro finally laid eyes on his father the next day, Mr. Barranco was disheveled and dirty, still in the same long-sleeve shirt and jeans he was wearing when he was arrested. Father and son met across a glass partition.

“My father looked defeated,” recalled Alejandro, who kept his composure as he tried to assure his father that the family was “taking care of everything.”

Sergio Perez, executive director of the Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law, had agreed to escort Alejandro and was allowed to meet Mr. Barranco without a barrier. Mr. Perez asked Mr. Barranco if he could hug him since his son could not.

“No,” replied Mr. Barranco. “I smell so badly. I haven’t been able to shower.” The lawyer embraced him anyway. Mr. Barranco wept.

The next day, Mr. Barranco was transferred to a privately run detention center in the high desert, about two hours away.

Mr. Barranco was born in a village in Mexico, one of five children of campesinos who subsisted on the maize, beans, squash and tomatoes that they grew.

In 1994, he trekked through the desert to the border and sneaked undetected into Arizona. He made his way to California and began taking whatever work there was, in construction, restaurants, landscaping.

“I planned to save and return to Mexico,” Mr. Barranco said.

He married, and three boys came along, the first in 1999.

“I decided that if I took my kids to Mexico, they’d end up like me,” he said. “I thought, Here, I can work and ensure they have a better life.”

By 2002, Mr. Barranco had landed a job with a large landscaping company that offered benefits like health insurance. He began filing taxes.

The company trained him to properly prune trees, among other skills, and he became certified as an irrigation technician working on sprinkler systems. He was sometimes dispatched to Disneyland late at night to trim hedges. He later struck out on his own and built his client roster.

As his boys moved through elementary and middle school, Mr. Barranco, who only has a few years of formal education, took parenting workshops to support their success. In 2012, he received a Certificate of Congressional Recognition for his “faithful commitment and hard work” on behalf of his children’s education. That same year, after completing a nine-week “parental involvement program,” he earned a certificate guaranteeing that his sons would be admitted to any California state college after high school.

“Any opportunity to do something good to help them, I tried to take advantage,” he said.

Mr. Barranco and his first wife divorced in 2015. A few years later, he met Ms. Hernandez, then 58, at a Public Storage facility in Santa Ana where he kept some of his tools. He helped her haul a bed that she had kept there, and he gave her his number. Two weeks later, he helped her move more furniture and then called to check in on her. A friendship flourished.

“I was lonely, he was lonely,” said Ms. Hernandez, a widow whose children were grown. “We enjoyed each other’s company.”

On Mother’s Day in 2021, he joined her family for brunch. Mr. Barranco’s shrimp ceviche was a hit with her two sons and her parents. So was he.

“He was quiet at first,” her oldest son, Rigo Hernandez, now 40, recalled, “but there was a warmth about him that spoke louder than words.”

On Feb. 18, 2023, with the Pacific Ocean as their backdrop, they were married in a small ceremony officiated by Mr. Hernandez.

By then, all three of Mr. Barranco’s sons were in the Marine Corps.

“My father brought us up to respect this country and to appreciate the opportunities we would have,” Alejandro said.

Footage taken by bystanders of Mr. Barranco’s arrest went viral. The videos show several agents standing above him while others hold him down. One agent, kneeling at his side, strikes Mr. Barranco repeatedly in the head, neck and left shoulder as he groans. The agents force him into an S.U.V. with the aid of a metal rod.

The Department of Homeland Security posted a seven-second video of Mr. Barranco wielding the weed trimmer as agents pepper sprayed him. “Perhaps the mainstream media would like our officers to stand there and be mowed down instead of defending themselves?” Tricia McLaughlin, a department spokeswoman, wrote on X. The agency did not respond to a request for any additional comment beyond the post on X.

When Alejandro saw the videos, he flung his cellphone in anger.

The family gathered to make a plan. Alejandro, the only son released from active duty at the time, would take the lead in speaking out. Mr. Hernandez, Ms. Hernandez’s son, would contact federal and state lawmakers.

The family started a GoFundMe to raise money for a lawyer. The page featured photographs of the Barranco boys in uniform. In one image, Mr. Barranco is at a memorial service to fallen soldiers.

Alejandro began fielding news media requests. He tried to be measured in his comments. He said his father was a productive member of the community who hadn’t hurt anyone. The use of force by agents was excessive, unjustified and unprofessional, he said.

He said he felt betrayed by the country that he and his brothers loved and were willing to die for.

“There are many people in the military with immigrant parents like my dad,” Jose Luis said. “I never thought this could happen to him.”

The brothers expressed regret that they hadn’t managed to sponsor their father for a green card, which they were eligible to do as Americans and as servicemen.

“We saw a lawyer who wanted $5,000 just to start the process,” Alejandro recalled. He added, “Everyone was so busy in the military.”

Mr. Barranco recalls being transported to the immigration detention center in Adelanto, Calif., with an Asian man, an African man and a fellow Latino. They arrived at the lockup, which can hold nearly 2,000 immigrants, before sunrise and waited all day to be processed.

In a barrackslike pod, he was assigned to I-33 “low,” the bottom bed of a metal-framed bunk. He received three blue shirts, two pairs of pants and one pair of underwear. His neighbor, in bunk I-32 low, eventually gave him an extra pair.

He counted 172 men in the room.

“I befriended several people,” Mr. Barranco said, producing a list with the names and cellphone numbers of eight detainees.

Mr. Barranco’s family deposited money into his account so he could make phone calls and buy items like chips, coffee and instant noodles to supplement the unappetizing institutional food, he said.

He shared both his phone and his commissary credit with detainees whose families did not know their whereabouts or who could not afford the expensive calls and items. One was an Iranian man whose wife was about to give birth.

One day, Mr. Barranco bought 10 packets of noodle soup mix and distributed them. Someone handed him a pencil. It gave him an outlet for his anguish, he said.

He began to scrawl on scraps of paper he found. Prayers. Feelings. Names.

Mr. Barranco had no idea that his arrest had prompted protests and galvanized volunteers across Orange County.

Strangers delivered food, flowers and messages of support to his home.

Six days after his arrest, the Orange County Rapid Response Network, in coordination with his family, held a candlelight vigil and a peaceful march to honor Mr. Barranco and denounce indiscriminate immigration sweeps. Thousands of dollars flowed into the GoFundMe, enough to hire Lisa Ramirez, an immigration lawyer, to seek Mr. Barranco’s release, fight his deportation case and help him gain legal status in the United States.

Given that he is a father to a veteran, “Narciso could have been an American citizen by now,” Ms. Ramirez said.

Ms. Ramirez submitted a request to the government for “parole in place,” a program that allows undocumented parents of U.S. military members to remain lawfully in the country and work while they await approval for permanent residency.

Mr. Barranco’s wife, Ms. Hernandez, a U.S. citizen, offered another path, but one that would have required him to return to Mexico to complete the process. He would be separated from his family, likely for years, with no assurance he would be allowed to return.

Ms. Ramirez filed a motion for a bond hearing in immigration court. It included the birth certificates of his sons and proof of their military service, as well as the accolades from the school district and Congress for his parental involvement and other evidence of his good moral character.

Mr. Barranco had his hearing after 19 days in lockup. The government asked the judge to hold him without bond, as is common. Ms. Ramirez asked the judge to release him on the minimum bond of $1,500, arguing that he had three U.S.-born military sons and was not a flight risk.

The prosecutor requested a $13,000 bond. The judge set it at $3,000.

After his release five days later, Mr. Barranco stopped at an In-N-Out for a cheeseburger combo and vanilla shake.

Mr. Barranco made public remarks a few days after that at a news conference in downtown Santa Ana.

“To the community, I don’t have the words to truly express what I feel in my heart,” he said in Spanish, choking up. “So I can just say thank you for standing with my family and my children, for being by their side.” He also shared a message of hope for families of detainees.

Since his release, Mr. Barranco has mostly stayed home, venturing out on Sundays for church. Alejandro and Jose Luis, two of his sons, are covering his jobs.

He is alone while Ms. Hernandez is at work much of the day. His companions are Revoltosa, a cockatoo who has a predilection for perching on his right shoulder, and Snoopy, his small, fluffy white dog.

“They relieve my stress,” he said.

At 8 a.m. each day, he logs into a two-hour online English class. The ankle monitor he was fitted with before leaving Adelanto has since been removed. But three times a week, he must check in with Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

At 11:10 a.m. on a recent Thursday, during an interview for this article, his phone buzzed. His expression tensed as he entered a code and took a selfie, part of the monitoring protocol. Agents have also shown up at his door without notice.

He spends time in the garden, caring for his heirloom tomatoes, squash, peppers and cucumbers. A guava tree has recently taken root. He also tends the geraniums, jasmine and day lilies. In the kitchen, he puts his culinary talents to work preparing carne asada, ceviche and other dishes.

Mr. Barranco has also been keeping a journal. During an interview, he opened to the first page and read aloud. “At 4 a.m. on a Saturday, the routine of a poor gardener began. Then … ” His voice faltered and his face crumpled.

He tried to continue.

“Something happened that never could have been expected,” he said and then slammed the journal shut. “I can’t,” he said.

As of Tuesday, his lawyer had yet to receive acknowledgment from the government that his application for parole in place was under review.

https://www.nytimes.com/2025/09/17/us/narciso-barranco-ice-deport-marines-trump.html

Latin Times: ICE Agents Lose Access to Database Tracking Immigrants’ Wire Transfers: Report

“This data is not and has never been intended to be used for immigration purposes,” said Arizona’s Attorney General

Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents from the Enforcement and Removal Operations (ERO) division have been cut off from a financial surveillance database long used to track wire transfers between the U.S. and Mexico, according to disclosures reported by The Intercept.

The Transaction Record Analysis Center, or TRAC, was created in 2014 through a settlement with Western Union and holds records of hundreds of millions of transfers. For years, civil liberties advocates have warned that ICE would use TRAC for deportations, despite official claims that it was intended only for money laundering and drug trafficking investigations.

Arizona Attorney General Kris Mayes, who oversees TRAC, confirmed to The Intercept that ERO agents had been “de-platformed” since June following concerns over misuse of the data. “This data is not and has never been intended to be used for immigration purposes,” Mayes said in a statement, while maintaining her support for its use in cartel-related cases.

The decision came after The Intercept documented two cases this year in which ICE’s Homeland Security Investigations (HSI) division used TRAC records to locate immigrants with no criminal history beyond unauthorized presence. One of those cases involved Gregorio Cordova Murrieta, a 48-year-old Mexican citizen living in Hawaiʻi, who was arrested in June after sending money home to family through MoneyGram and Western Union.

Cordova had lived quietly with his fiancée, running a tile business and coaching soccer before an HSI agent reviewed his remittance history and tracked him to his home in ʻAiea. He was charged with illegal reentry, pleaded guilty in August, and now awaits sentencing.

Civil liberties groups argue the Cordova case illustrates how a tool designed to stop money laundering has been repurposed for mass deportation. “We’re talking about a sweeping system going after people really for nothing more than spending their own money,” said Nick Anthony, a policy analyst with the Cato Institute, to Civil Beat back on August 18.

The American Civil Liberties Union praised Mayes for restricting access but called the measures insufficient. “Cutting off ICE Enforcement and Removal Operations agents still leaves access for the thousands of agents in ICE Homeland Security Investigations,” said Nathan Freed Wessler of the ACLU to The Intercept.

https://www.latintimes.com/ice-agents-lose-access-database-tracking-immigrants-wire-transfers-report-589578

Associated Press: She was adopted into an abusive home in the US. Decades later, ICE deported her back to Brazil

In March, Pires showed up at the immigration office with paperwork listing all her check-ins over the past eight years. This time, instead of receiving another compliance report, she was immediately handcuffed and detained.

“The government failed her,” attorney Jim Merklinger said. “They allowed this to happen.”

It sounded like freedom, like a world of possibility beyond the orphanage walls.

Maria Pires was getting adopted. At 11 years old, she saw herself escaping the chaos and violence of the Sao Paulo orphanage, where she’d been sexually assaulted by a staff member. She saw herself leaving Brazil for America, trading abandonment for belonging.

A single man in his 40s, Floyd Sykes III, came to Sao Paulo to meet her. He signed some paperwork and brought Maria home.

She arrived in the suburbs of Baltimore in the summer of 1989, a little girl with a tousle of dark hair, a nervous smile and barely a dozen words of English. The sprawling subdivision looked idyllic, with rows of modest brick townhouses and a yard where she could play soccer.

She was, she believed, officially an American.

But what happened in that house would come to haunt her, marking the start of a long descent into violence, crime and mental illness.

“My father — my adopted father — he was supposed to save me,” Pires said. Instead, he tortured and sexually abused her.

After nearly three years of abuse, Sykes was arrested. The state placed Pires in foster care.

By then, she was consumed with fury. In the worst years, she beat a teenager at a roller rink, leaving him in a coma. She attacked a prison guard and stabbed her cellmate with a sharpened toothbrush.

In prison, she discovered that no one had ever bothered to complete her immigration paperwork. Not Sykes. Not Maryland social service agencies.

That oversight would leave her without a country. She wasn’t American, it turned out, and she’d lost her Brazilian citizenship when she was adopted by Sykes, who died several years ago. But immigration officials, including those under President Donald Trump’s first administration, let her stay in the country.

After her release from prison in 2017, Pires stayed out of trouble and sought help to control her anger. She checked in once a year with Immigration and Customs Enforcement and paid for an annual work permit.

But in the second Trump administration — with its promise of mass deportations, a slew of executive orders and a crackdown targeting those the president deemed “the worst of the worst” — everything changed. Trump’s unyielding approach to immigration enforcement has swept up tens of thousands of immigrants, including many like Pires who came to the U.S. as children and know little, if any, life outside America. They have been apprehended during ICE raids, on college campuses, or elsewhere in their communities, and their detentions often draw the loudest backlash.

In Pires’ case, she was detained during a routine check-in, sent to one immigration jail after another, and ultimately deported to a land she barely remembers. The Associated Press conducted hours of interviews with Pires and people who know her and reviewed Maryland court records, internal ICE communications, and adoption and immigration paperwork to tell her story.

U.S. immigration officials say Pires is a dangerous serial criminal who’s no longer welcome in the country. Her case, they say, is cut and dried.

Pires, now 47, doesn’t deny her criminal past.

But little about her story is straightforward.

A new chapter of childhood, marked by abuse

Pires has no clear memories from before she entered the orphanage. All she knows is that her mother spent time in a mental institution.

The organization that facilitated her adoption was later investigated by Brazilian authorities over allegations it charged exorbitant fees and used videos to market available children, according to a Sao Paulo newspaper. Organization leaders denied wrongdoing.

Pires remembers a crew filming a TV commercial. She believes that’s how Sykes found her.

In his custody, the abuse escalated over time. When Sykes went to work, he sometimes left her locked in a room, chained to a radiator with only a bucket as a toilet. He gave her beer and overpowered her when she fought back. She started cutting herself.

Sykes ordered her to keep quiet, but she spoke almost no English then anyway. On one occasion, he forced a battery into her ear as punishment, causing permanent hearing loss.

In September 1992, someone alerted authorities. Sykes was arrested. Child welfare officials took custody of Maria, then 14.

Maryland Department of Human Services spokesperson Lilly Price said the agency couldn’t comment on specific cases because of confidentiality laws but noted in a statement that adoptive parents are responsible for applying for U.S. citizenship for children adopted from other countries.

Court documents show Sykes admitted sexually assaulting Maria multiple times but he claimed the assaults stopped in June 1990.

He was later convicted of child abuse. Though he had no prior criminal record, court officials acknowledged a history of similar behavior, records show.

Between credit for time served and a suspended prison sentence, Sykes spent about two months in jail.

Sykes’ younger sister Leslie Parrish said she’s often wondered what happened to Maria.

“He ruined her life,” she said, weeping. “There’s a special place in hell for people like that.”

Parrish said she wanted to believe her brother had good intentions; he seemed committed to becoming a father and joined a social group for adoptive parents of foreign kids. She even accompanied him to Brazil.

But in hindsight, she sees it differently. She believes sinister motives lurked “in the back of his sick mind.”

At family gatherings, Maria didn’t show obvious signs of distress, though the language barrier made communication difficult. Other behavior was explained away as the result of her troubled childhood in the orphanage, Parrish said.

“But behind closed doors, I don’t know what happened.”

Years in prison and an eventual release

Pires’ teenage years were hard. She drank too much and got kicked out of school for fighting. She ran away from foster homes, including places where people cared for her deeply.

“If ever there was a child who was cheated out of life, it was Maria,” one foster mother wrote in later court filings. “She is a beautiful person, but she has had a hard life for someone so young.”

She struggled to provide for herself, sometimes ending up homeless. “My trauma was real bad,” she said. “I was on my own.”

At 18, she pleaded guilty to aggravated assault for the roller rink attack. She served two years in prison, where she finally learned basic reading and writing skills. It was then that authorities — and Pires herself — discovered she wasn’t a U.S. citizen.

Her criminal record meant it would be extremely difficult to gain citizenship. Suddenly, she faced deportation.

Pires said she hadn’t realized the potential consequences when accepting her plea deal.

“If l had any idea that I could be deported because of this, I would not have agreed to it,” she wrote, according to court records. “Going to jail was one thing, but I will lose everything if I am deported back to Brazil.”

A team of volunteer lawyers and advocates argued she shouldn’t be punished for something beyond her control.

“Maria has absolutely no one and nothing in Brazil. She would be completely lost there,” an attorney wrote in a 1999 letter to immigration officials.

Ultimately, the American judicial system agreed: Pires would be allowed to remain in the United States if she checked in annually with ICE, a fairly common process until Trump’s second term.

“How’s your mental?”

Pires didn’t immediately take advantage of her second chance.

She was arrested for cocaine distribution in 2004 and for check fraud in 2007. While incarcerated, she picked up charges for stabbing her cellmate in the eye, burning an inmate with a flat iron and throwing hot water on a correctional officer. Her sentence was extended.

Pires said she spent several years in solitary confinement, exacerbating her mental health challenges.

Her release in 2017 marked a new beginning. Through therapy and other support services, she learned to manage her anger and stay out of trouble. She gave up drinking. She started working long days in construction. She checked in every year with immigration agents.

But in 2023, work dried up and she fell behind on rent. She felt her mental health slipping. She applied for a women’s transitional housing program in Baltimore.

Pires thrived there. With no high school diploma and only second-grade reading skills, she qualified for a state-run job training course to polish and refinish floors. Photos show her smiling broadly in a blue graduation gown.

Friends say Pires may have a tough exterior, but she’s known for thinking of others first. She often greets people with a cheerful question: “How’s your mental?” It’s her way of acknowledging that everyone carries some sort of burden.

“This is a person who just yearns for family,” said Britney Jones, Pires’ former roommate. “She handles things with so much forgiveness and grace.”

The two were living together when Pires went to downtown Baltimore on March 6 for her annual immigration check-in. She never returned.

A crackdown on “the worst of the worst”

When President Donald Trump campaigned for a second term, he doubled down on promises to carry out mass deportations. Within hours of taking office, he signed a series of executive orders, targeting what he called “the worst of the worst” — murderers, rapists, gang members. The goal, officials have said, is 1 million deportations a year.

In March, Pires showed up at the immigration office with paperwork listing all her check-ins over the past eight years. This time, instead of receiving another compliance report, she was immediately handcuffed and detained.

“The government failed her,” attorney Jim Merklinger said. “They allowed this to happen.”

Given that she was adopted into the country as a child, she shouldn’t be punished for something that was out of her hands from the start, he said.

Her March arrest sparked a journey across America’s immigration detention system. From Baltimore, she was sent to New Jersey and Louisiana before landing at Eloy Detention Center in Arizona.

She tried to stay positive. Although Trump’s anti-immigrant rhetoric made her nervous, Pires reminded herself that the system granted her leniency in the past. She told her friends back home not to worry.

A deportation priority

On June 2, in an email exchange obtained by AP, an ICE agent asked to have Pires prioritized for a deportation flight to Brazil leaving in four days.

“I would like to keep her as low profile as possible,” the agent wrote.

Her lawyer tried to stop the deportation, calling Maryland politicians, ICE officials and Brazilian diplomats.

“This is a woman who followed all the rules,” Merklinger said. “This should not be happening.”

He received terrified calls from Pires, who was suddenly transferred to a detention facility near Alexandria, Louisiana, a common waypoint for deportation flights.

Finally, Pires said, she was handcuffed, shackled, put on a bus with dozens of other detainees, driven to the Alexandria airport and loaded onto an airplane. There was a large group of Brazilians on the flight, which was a relief, though she spoke hardly any Portuguese after so many years in the U.S.

“I was just praying to God,” she said. “Maybe this is his plan.”

After two stops to drop off other deportees, they arrived in the Brazilian port city of Fortaleza.

Starting from scratch back in Brazil

Brazilian authorities later took Pires to a women’s shelter in an inland city in the eastern part of the country.

She has spent months there trying to get Brazilian identification documents. She began relearning Portuguese — listening to conversations around her and watching TV.

Most of her belongings are in a Baltimore storage unit, including DJ equipment and a tripod she used for recording videos — two of her passions.

In Brazil, she has almost nothing. She depends on the shelter for necessities such as soap and toothpaste. But she maintains a degree of hope.

“I’ve survived all these years,” Pires said. “I can survive again.”

She can’t stop thinking about her birth family. Years ago, she got a tattoo of her mother’s middle name. Now more than ever, she wants to know where she came from. “I still have that hole in my heart,” she said.

Above all, she hopes to return to America. Her attorney recently filed an application for citizenship. But federal officials say that’s not happening.

“She was an enforcement priority because of her serial criminal record,” Department of Homeland Security Assistant Secretary Tricia McLaughlin said in an email. “Criminals are not welcome in the U.S.”

Every morning, Pires wakes up and keeps trying to build a new life. She’s applied for Brazilian work authorization, but getting a job will probably be difficult until her Portuguese improves. She’s been researching language classes and using her limited vocabulary to communicate with other shelter residents.

In moments of optimism, she imagines herself working as a translator, earning a decent salary and renting a nice apartment.

She wonders if God’s plan will ever become clear.

https://apnews.com/article/trump-immigration-policy-deportations-brazil-bb8beabbe4deb8f966826b9161158a3b

News Nation: Mexican immigrants more likely to remain behind bars after arrest, data shows

Mexican nationals are more likely to be detained after being apprehended by federal immigration officers, according to data compiled by Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse.

TRAC figures show that in July, 57 percent of Mexican nationals arrested for crossing the border or for being in the country illegally were held in detention centers while their proceedings take place in immigration court.

By contrast, overall, only 30 percent of migrants were detained after their apprehensions.

According to TRAC, ICE determines when a person is held, and that there is no specific pattern in the decision-making.

“In reality, little is known about the factors that influence these custody decisions,” writes TRAC. “The ICE agents have wide discretion to make decisions and their criteria is rarely revealed.”

According to TRAC, it appears decisions are taken by the agents themselves and are influenced by their own backgrounds and ethnic identity.

However, the state in which migrants are apprehended can also determine whether they are detained.

TRAC says being detained can have major implications, adding that individuals who remain in custody have a more difficult time obtaining the documents and the legal help to make a case against deportation.

TRAC also says that the vast majority of individuals in ICE custody, through June 30, had no criminal record, and that 4 out of 5, either had no record or had only committed a minor offense such as a traffic violation.

Racial discrimination? Probably!

Click on one of the links below to see their detention rates nationality by nationality.

https://www.newsnationnow.com/us-news/immigration/border-coverage/mexican-immigrants-more-likely-to-remain-behind-bars-after-arrest-data-shows

CBS News: Mexican man dies in ICE custody at Arizona detention center, officials say

A man from Mexico in U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody died last week at a hospital in Arizona, the federal agency said.

He had been detained at the Central Arizona Correctional Complex, in the town of Florence, and was pronounced dead by a doctor at the Mountain Vista Medical Center, near Phoenix, on the morning of Aug. 31, according to ICE. The agency said his cause of death was unknown and remained under investigation.

Lorenzo Antonio Batrez Vargas, 32, was a citizen of Mexico who had been arrested by Flagstaff police on Aug. 2 and charged with possession and use of drug paraphernalia, which is a felony. Immigration enforcement agents said they took Vargas into custody in Phoenix before transferring him to the detention center in Florence.

Vargas had been arrested at least twice before by Flagstaff police, according to ICE. The agency said he was convicted by the Flagstaff Municipal Court of driving under the influence in 2018 and 2024, with the latter conviction resulting in a sentence of 10 days in confinement.

ICE said its agents notified the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, the Office of Inspector General, and the ICE Office of Professional Responsibility of Vargas’ death, which is required by agency policies. They also notified the Mexican Embassy.

“ICE remains committed to ensuring that all those in its custody reside in safe, secure, and humane environments. Comprehensive medical care is provided from the moment individuals arrive and throughout the entirety of their stay,”  the agency said, adding, “At no time during detention is a detained illegal alien denied emergent care.”

Asked for any updates on the investigation into Vargas’ death, a spokesperson for ICE told CBS News in an email Sunday that the agency would post more information to its website once it becomes available.

Fourteen people, including Vargas, have died at immigration detention centers across the U.S. since the beginning of the year, according to ICE.

https://www.cbsnews.com/news/mexican-man-dies-ice-custody-arizona-detention-center