Stephen Miller is the one who really controls the Department of Homeland Security, former Trump administration Homeland Security staffer Miles Taylor — famous for his anonymous “resistance” op-ed during Trump’s first term — told former presidential adviser Sidney Blumenthal and historian Sean Wilentz on their “Court of History” podcast released this week.
DHS Secretary Kristi Noem has been demoted to nothing more than a mouthpiece for his agenda, he said.
“What do you hear about what people think on the inside about Miller’s power?” asked Wilentz, shortly after another revealing segment in which Taylor speculated that even President Donald Trump’s inner circle no longer sees him as fit for his duties.
“It’s almost absolute,” said Taylor. “You know, he would never say that … Stephen is very, very careful to always be entirely deferential to the president.” However, he said, in one revealing incident in 2018, Miller “was growing really, really frustrated with … the slow-walking that was happening over at the Department of Homeland Security when it came to some of the president’s more outlandish ideas. He wanted to do a lot of things that just, our lawyers knew would so clearly break the law, and you know, not only did we not want that for the country, but people like me didn’t want to go to prison because of it, right?”
And so Miller persuaded Trump behind the scenes to give him effective control of DHS, Taylor continued: “It wasn’t some public announcement, but he’d gone to the president and said, ‘Look, I’m tired of this, you know, basically give me the authority to make some of these decisions over at DHS and essentially override the Department.
“And he called me to tell me this. I remember where I was. I was driving on Capitol Hill, and it was the words he used that stuck with me. He said, ‘think of this as my coronation.” That’s what he called it. He called it his coronation, that he’d gotten the president to empower him to take on these new duties.”
“There’s a lot of royalist thinking it seems to me, automatic royalist thinking,” Blumenthal interjected.
“There is, though,” said Taylor. “And that was, I think, the most revealing thing that I ever heard come out of his mouth. And Stephen rarely — you really rarely get these unguarded moments with them, he’s extremely guarded, and that was sort of an unguarded moment from him but, I think, illustrative of not just where his head is at, but also how this administration, like you said, thinks of governance is, not in terms of democracy and checks and balances but, you know, how can you consolidate total rule. And so Stephen certainly has that inside this administration. He’s got much more authority than he had before, and you are seeing what that looks like if left unchecked.”
A key example, he added, is the deployment of the military to crush anti-deportation protests in Los Angeles, which has Miller’s “fingerprints all over it.”
“So, Kristi Noem, who is the chief bureaucrat, the secretary of DHS, doesn’t act like an actual cabinet secretary, and I say that besides her cosplay and you know various numerous costume changes,” said Wilentz. “She’s under the thumb of Stephen Miller, and I wonder what people on the inside say about that and how they feel about what’s going on there?”
“I think there’s a recognition in the Department that the current secretary is not a policy heavyweight,” said Taylor. “The result is … what can you do if you, you know, don’t have a command enough of the issues to run that department, or at least to be able to stand up to the White House and make decisions? Well, all you can do is PR, and I think that’s the role she’s settled into, is essentially the president’s Homeland Security PR person. And it’s not unreasonable or outlandish to say that Stephen Miller is running the Department of Homeland Security.
“I very much believe it and I know that day-to-day, that tactically that is what’s happening.”
Raw Story: Kristi Noem demoted to ‘PR person’ as Stephen Miller runs DHS: ex-insider
President Donald Trump has threatened to deploy the National Guard to Chicago amid Gov. J.B. Pritzker’s objections, pointing to Washington and Memphis as examples of federal intervention. Critics argue the move would mark an effort of federal overreach into state authority, while Republicans have argued it could help curb violent crime. Trump has withdrawn his plans to deploy the National Guard to Chicago, at least for the immediate future.
…
Trump said, “So I’m going to go to Chicago early against Pritzker. Pritzker is nothing. If Pritzker was smart, he’d say, ‘Please come in.’ … If they lose less than six or seven people a week with murder, they’re doing a great job in their opinion.”
Pritzker called Trump’s remarks inconsistent and not credible, warning that a deployment without state consent would face immediate legal challenges. Pritzker said, “That you can’t take anything that he says seriously from one day to the next.”
Pritzker added, “He’s attacking verbally, sometimes he attacks, sending his agents in, sometimes he forgets. I think he might be suffering from some dementia. The next day, he’ll wake up on the other side of the bed and stop talking about Chicago.”
Pritzker argued “Operation Midwest Blitz” could justify broader federal action and said the enforcement posture is likely to provoke confrontations. Legal limits may restrict deployment, as a federal judge in San Francisco ruled a June Los Angeles deployment violated the Posse Comitatus Act.
Trump said, “Chicago is a death trap and I’m going to make it just like I did with D.C., just like I’ll do with Memphis.”
Civil liberties groups criticized the Memphis operation as overreach and regressive policing. The White House has touted the move as a measure to reduce violent crime.
American Civil Liberties Union of Tennessee said, “This latest step makes clear that the Trump administration is claiming a sweeping mandate to patrol, arrest and detain people in Memphis, and will bring back the same failed policing tactics that caused widespread constitutional violations for decades.”
Pritzker said, “The harder the ICE agents come in, the more people want to intervene and step in the way of them. And when that happens, and when there’s any kind of, well, touching or engagement with those ICE agents that involves actual potential battery, well, that’ll be the excuse.”
Trump Withdraws National Guard Threat Amid Defiance
Strawberry delivery driver released on bond after abrupt arrest as agents patrolled governor’s event
Angel Rodrigo Minguela Palacios was unloading boxes of strawberries during his final delivery in Los Angeles when a band of masked Border Patrol agents surrounded him and asked for his identification.
Minguela had unwittingly entered a political minefield on August 14 outside the Japanese American National Museum in Little Tokyo, where California Governor Gavin Newsom was addressing a crowd about his plans to fight back against a Republican-led gerrymandering campaign to maintain control of Congress.
The timing of the spectacle drew immediate scrutiny and backlash, with the governor speaking out in the middle of his remarks to condemn what was happening just outside the event. “You think it’s coincidental?” he said.
Minguela, 48, was released from Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody last week after nearly two months inside a facility he described as a “prison” with lights on at all hours of the day, no beds and only a concrete floor to sleep on.
Detainees received little food, and the conditions were so bleak that some of the men inside volunteered to self-deport rather, he told CBS News.
“Those days were the hardest,” Minguela told The Los Angeles Times. “My first day there on the floor, I cried. It doesn’t matter that you’re men, it doesn’t matter your age. There, men cried.”
Minguela, who is undocumented, has lived in the United States for more than a decade after entering the country from Mexico on a tourist visa. He overstayed his visa after fleeing violence in the Mexican state of Coahuila, where he had been kidnapped twice and stabbed by people trying to steal money from ATMs he was servicing, according to The Times.
He does not have a criminal record.
Minguela was released on bond and is equipped with an ankle monitor as an immigration judge determines next steps in his case.
A spokesperson for Homeland Security said he “was arrested for breaking our country’s laws by overstaying his visa” but remains unclear why he was targeted for arrest.
Minguela had overstayed a tourist visa after fleeing the Mexican state of Coahuila in 2015 because of violence he faced there, his partner said. She said he had worked servicing ATMs there, was kidnapped twice and at one point was stabbed by people intent on stealing the money. After his employers cut staff, she said, he lost his job, helping drive his decision to leave.
On August 14, Minguela left his partner and three children — ages 15, 12 and six — while they were still asleep as he prepared for his daily delivery route at 2 a.m. He had worked for the same produce delivery company for eight years and never missed a day.
Minguela was unloading several boxes of strawberries and a box of apples when he noticed a group of masked Border Patrol agents roaming the area surrounding Newsom’s event.
Video from the scene shows the agents passing his van then doubling back and looking inside to find Minguela. He presented a red “know your rights” card from his wallet and handed it to an agent.
“This is of no use to me,” he said, according to The Times. Agents then asked him his name, nationality and immigration paperwork before leading him away in handcuffs.
“Immigration has already caught me,” Minguela wrote in text messages to his partner. “Don’t worry. God will help us a lot.”
U.S. Border Patrol El Centro Sector Chief Gregory Bovino was observing the arrest. He turned to the officers and shouted out “well done” moments before speaking with reporters who were filming the scene.
“We’re here making Los Angeles a safer place since we don’t have politicians that will do that,” Border Patrol El Centro Sector Chief Gregory Bovino told FOX 11. “We do that ourselves, so that’s why we’re here today.”
Asked whether he had a message for Newsom, who was speaking roughly 100 feet away, Bovino said he wasn’t aware where the governor was.
“I think it’s pretty sick and pathetic,” Newsom said of the arrest.
“They chose the time, manner, and place to send their district director outside right when we’re about to have this press conference,” he said. “That’s everything you know about Donald Trump’s America … about the authoritarian tendencies of the president.”
Minguela believes he was targeted for his appearance.
Immigration raids throughout the Los Angeles area in June sparked massive protests demanding the Trump administration withdraw ICE and federal agents from patrolling immigrant communities.
In response, Trump federalized National Guard troops and sent in hundreds of Marines despite objections from Democratic city and state officials.
A federal judge determined the administration had illegally deployed the Guard as part of an apparent nationwide effort to create “a national police force with the president as its chief.”
The court’s opinion drew a forceful rebuke from liberal Justice Sonia Sotomayor, the first Hispanic justice on the bench, who accused the conservative justices of ignoring the Fourth Amendment, which protects against unlawful searches and seizures
“We should not have to live in a country where the Government can seize anyone who looks Latino, speaks Spanish, and appears to work a low wage job,” she wrote in a dissenting opinion.
“The Fourth Amendment protects every individual’s constitutional right to be “free from arbitrary interference by law officers,’” she added. “After today, that may no longer be true for those who happen to look a certain way, speak a certain way, and appear to work a certain type of legitimate job that pays very little.”
Fruit vendor arrested outside Gavin Newsom event speaks out after ICE detention
Strawberry delivery driver released on bond after abrupt arrest as agents patrolled governor’s event
Southeast Asian residents are being detained at ICE check-ins in Fresno, advocates and an immigration lawyer say. In some cases, refugees are being deported to countries where they’ve never lived, they say.
It’s not immediately clear how many members from Fresno’s Southeast Asian community have been detained at ICE check-ins and deported since President Donald Trump launched what he says will be the largest deportation campaign in history. U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement did not respond to request for comment on this story.
Many of these individuals are refugees with minor criminal records from years ago that could subject them to deportation, advocates say. But they weren’t deported earlier because, as refugees, the countries they were born in don’t recognize their citizenship. Some were born in refugee camps and are considered stateless. Or, the U.S. didn’t have an agreement in place to deport them to their home countries. In lieu of deportation, they were required to have regular check-ins with ICE.
While these check-ins were a longstanding practice, now, some are of these people are being detained and forced to return to countries they and their families were forced to flee due to political persecution, war and genocide.
“A lot of them are refugees or children of these veterans (and) have committed a senseless crime when they were teenagers,” said Pao Yang, president and CEO of The Fresno Center. “And then now you’re sending these children of these veterans that fought with the U.S. back to a country that they were fighting against with you.”
“These communities are being impacted in a way that we haven’t seen before,” Jacobs said. Individuals have been deported from ICE check-ins in Fresno, he said, though he didn’t have an estimate on how many had been detained.
Yang, the Fresno Center CEO, said he also knows of “many” Fresno clients that have been detained and transferred to the Golden State Annex ICE detention center in McFarland, where they are held as they await next steps in their immigration cases.
As of late August, Christine Barker, executive director of the refugee-serving nonprofit, Fresno Immigrant and Refugee Ministries, knew of at least five individuals of Laotian or Cambodian descent being detained at their ICE check-ins in Fresno.
“I also know from some of their family members, when they got to [the Golden State Annex ICE detention center in] McFarland, they were like, ‘there’s a lot of Asian people here,” she said.
While California’s Southeast Asian communities have experienced more sporadic immigration enforcement, other states such as Michigan and Minnesota have seen more high-profile enforcement activity. More than 150 Southeast Asians have been deported from Minnesota since May, according to an Aug. 18 report in the Minnesota Reformer.
Jacobs said the practice of detaining people at ICE check-ins was more common during the first five or six months of the administration, but he hasn’t seen as much of it recently in California.
“That doesn’t mean it’s not going to continue happening,” he said. “It’s definitely a real risk. But I also don’t want to overstate it.”
Hmong people are an ethnic group originating from China and that have their own language and culture. Because of decades of persecution by the Chinese government over their cultural and spiritual practices, the Hmong have constantly migrated to Vietnam, Laos, Thailand and Myanmar. In the early 1960s, the CIA recruited Hmong people to help fight against North Vietnam and the communist party in Laos, known as the Pathet Lao. The operation, also known as The Secret War, lasted from 1962 to 1975. When the Pathet Lao took over Laos’s governance, thousands of Hmong and Laotian people sought refuge in the United States in 1975.
Barker said what’s happening to these refugees is a violation of human rights.
“When you’re a refugee, the world is supposed to protect you from ever having to return to the country you fled,” she said. “These are uncles, these are grandpas, these are old, old convictions from the 80s and the 90s.”
Deported to Laos, Cambodia
Families, lawyers and nonprofits are scrambling to support individuals that have been deported to countries such as Laos and Cambodia.
Thao Ha, runs Collective Freedom, an organization that supports “justice-impacted” individuals from Southeast Asian communities. In recent months, her organization has had to pivot to provide support on the ground in Laos and is helping families track down their deported loved ones.
“We didn’t think they were going to go this hard, this fast, or at all,” she said. The community had assumptions that people couldn’t get deported to Laos, or that only a few here and there would be deported, Ha said.
When people are deported to Laos, they are detained upon entry in Laos for multiple weeks, advocates say. Those with a local sponsor are released more quickly. Those who don’t have a sponsor will be detained longer until the government can process them.
Ha said there’s no official repatriation process in Laos, meaning there’s little infrastructure to help people with housing, work, or cultural adjustment.
“There’s not an agency, so to speak,” Ha said. “We’re just trying to rapid response and mutual aid at this point.” Several groups have “popped up” to try to fill the gaps, but none are formal non-governmental organizations.
The “number one challenge” for people with their loved ones being deported to Laos is that they don’t have family there, Ha said. “If they don’t have family and don’t have a sponsor, where do they go? What do they do? Are they just roaming the streets?”
For some deported to Laos, especially those born in refugee camps, they have no relationship to the country, language skills or community knowledge. “For Hmong folks who grew up in the U.S., they may never learn Lao,” Barker said.
Barker also said there used to be programs to help people from the Khmer Indigenous ethnic group acculturate in Cambodia.
Jacobs of the Asian Law Caucus said his organization works with Southeast Asian refugees who are facing pending deportation, oftentimes from very old convictions.
“Many of the people that we work with have consistently followed all of those terms with their release and continue to do so,” Jacobs said. “And I know that there is a lot of anxiety right now around these check-ins.”
Many of the organization’s clients were fleeing civil war, genocide and persecution and carry memories of trauma associated with the unfamiliar country, he said.
“In many cases, there are countries that don’t really want to receive people who left so long ago, and what a lot of them are facing in real terms, is statelessness where they’re not recognized as citizens of those countries,” he said.
For example, he said, Hmong people in Laos are given some kind of residency status, but they are not citizens. And this sense of not belonging can have lingering legal, emotional and psychological impact.
Yang said many in the Southeast Asian immigrant community are quiet and scared because many come from a country where the government targets people. Earlier this year, there was a rush of people seeking legal services, but now, especially after the start of the June immigration crackdown in Los Angeles, he’s noticed a “huge drop” in people seeking assistance.
“We have a lot of folks, even legal resident aliens, that are in hiding, that are afraid,” he said.
Fresno southeast Asians detained at ICE check-ins, advocates say
“These communities are being impacted in a way that we haven’t seen before,” said immigration attorney Tilman Jacobs of the Asian Law Caucus
After three decades in California, Narciso Barranco was arrested by agents while weeding outside an IHOP, stirring outrage and a fight to stop his deportation.
Before dawn on June 21, Narciso Barranco loaded his weed trimmer, lawn mower and leaf blower into his white F-150 pickup. He had three IHOP restaurants to landscape and then seven homes. His goal was to finish in time to cook dinner with his wife, Martha Hernandez.
It was a cool Saturday morning in Tustin, Calif., about 35 miles south of Los Angeles. After wrapping up work at the first IHOP, Mr. Barranco stopped to buy a wheel of fresh white cheese. He returned home and left it on the kitchen counter for Ms. Hernandez before driving seven minutes to an IHOP in Santa Ana.
He paid no attention to the Home Depot across the parking lot. Later, he would wish he had been more aware.
Migrants for decades have gathered outside the big-box stores, hoping a contractor or homeowner might offer a day’s work. But under President Trump’s immigration crackdown, Home Depot has become a prime target for federal agents under pressure to round up undocumented people like Mr. Barranco, who slipped across the border from Mexico more than 30 years ago.
Mr. Barranco, 48, was weeding between bushes when men in masks descended on him. He raised the head of his weed trimmer as he retreated. The authorities would say they believed he was attacking them; Mr. Barranco’s family said he was scared and just trying to move away, not to harm anyone. But in a tweet, the Department of Homeland Security would cite that moment to justify what happened next.
Mr. Barranco’s memory of his arrest is fragmented: the blinding sting of pepper spray; beefy federal agents taking him down and pinning him to the pavement; their relentless blows; the pain radiating from his left shoulder.
He didn’t dispute that he was in the country unlawfully. Still, he pleaded his case to the agents as they wrenched his arms behind his back.
“I have three boys in the Marines,” he recalled blurting out in English.
Surely that would count for something?
Who Should Be Deported?
Mr. Trump’s mass deportation project is forcing many Americans to confront the question of what kind of country they want.
According to polls, Americans strongly agree that immigrants without legal status should be deported if they have been convicted of a violent crime. But support for Mr. Trump’s immigration sweeps begins to erode when people are asked about the much larger group of undocumented immigrants with no police record who have worked and raised families in the United States.
The arrest of Mr. Barranco, a Latino man doing a job that many other Latinos in California do, quickly became a rallying point for those who believe enforcement actions have gone too far. A slight man with a reserved demeanor, Mr. Barranco had built a life in the shadows, tending the lawns and flower beds of Southern California’s suburban homes and commercial properties. He had no criminal record.
All three of his sons are United States citizens, having been born in California. Alejandro, 25, was a combat engineer who deployed to Afghanistan to assist with the U.S. withdrawal. Jose Luis, 23, was released from military duty last month and plans to study nursing. Emanuel, 21, is still in the Marines, based in San Diego. The sons could have sponsored him for a green card but were discouraged by the time it would take and the thousands of dollars it would cost.
Ms. Hernandez, Mr. Barranco’s wife and the stepmother of the three young men, is also an American citizen.
Walter Salaverria, the IHOP operations director who hired Mr. Barranco, described him as “humble, hardworking, not just about the money.”
He added, “If I had 50 restaurants, I would give them to him.”
For years, many Americans have relied on immigrants to do the jobs they avoided — cleaning, building, picking fruits and vegetables, manicuring lawns and gardens. Under previous Republican and Democratic administrations, undocumented people who worked hard and stayed out of trouble could largely expect to be left alone.
Now that masked federal agents are pepper spraying these people and tackling them in the streets, some Americans are thinking of them differently — or perhaps thinking of them for the first time.
A Tearful Voice Mail
After the agents subdued Mr. Barranco, they shoved him, hands shackled behind his back, into an unmarked vehicle. He was soon transferred to a van with another immigrant who said he had been snatched as he left the Home Depot.
Mr. Barranco said an agent flung water on his bloody face and head. He said he pleaded with the agent to tie his hands in front of him because his shoulder hurt. “I was crying,” he recalled. “I said, ‘I won’t run. Just tie my hands in front; I can’t stand the pain.’”
By nightfall, he was crammed into a constantly lit basement in downtown Los Angeles with 70 other men. The air was thick with stench and despair. There was one exposed toilet. Some men slept standing, he said.
Mr. Barranco left a tearful voice mail message for Alejandro, informing him that he had been arrested and didn’t know where he was being held. His wallet and cellphone were still inside his truck outside the IHOP. Could someone retrieve them?
Two days later, after locating his father, Alejandro drove to Los Angeles and waited nearly four hours to see him, only to be turned away, like dozens of others, when visitation hours ended.
When Alejandro finally laid eyes on his father the next day, Mr. Barranco was disheveled and dirty, still in the same long-sleeve shirt and jeans he was wearing when he was arrested. Father and son met across a glass partition.
“My father looked defeated,” recalled Alejandro, who kept his composure as he tried to assure his father that the family was “taking care of everything.”
Sergio Perez, executive director of the Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law, had agreed to escort Alejandro and was allowed to meet Mr. Barranco without a barrier. Mr. Perez asked Mr. Barranco if he could hug him since his son could not.
“No,” replied Mr. Barranco. “I smell so badly. I haven’t been able to shower.” The lawyer embraced him anyway. Mr. Barranco wept.
The next day, Mr. Barranco was transferred to a privately run detention center in the high desert, about two hours away.
A New Country
Mr. Barranco was born in a village in Mexico, one of five children of campesinos who subsisted on the maize, beans, squash and tomatoes that they grew.
In 1994, he trekked through the desert to the border and sneaked undetected into Arizona. He made his way to California and began taking whatever work there was, in construction, restaurants, landscaping.
“I planned to save and return to Mexico,” Mr. Barranco said.
He married, and three boys came along, the first in 1999.
“I decided that if I took my kids to Mexico, they’d end up like me,” he said. “I thought, Here, I can work and ensure they have a better life.”
By 2002, Mr. Barranco had landed a job with a large landscaping company that offered benefits like health insurance. He began filing taxes.
The company trained him to properly prune trees, among other skills, and he became certified as an irrigation technician working on sprinkler systems. He was sometimes dispatched to Disneyland late at night to trim hedges. He later struck out on his own and built his client roster.
As his boys moved through elementary and middle school, Mr. Barranco, who only has a few years of formal education, took parenting workshops to support their success. In 2012, he received a Certificate of Congressional Recognition for his “faithful commitment and hard work” on behalf of his children’s education. That same year, after completing a nine-week “parental involvement program,” he earned a certificate guaranteeing that his sons would be admitted to any California state college after high school.
“Any opportunity to do something good to help them, I tried to take advantage,” he said.
Mr. Barranco and his first wife divorced in 2015. A few years later, he met Ms. Hernandez, then 58, at a Public Storage facility in Santa Ana where he kept some of his tools. He helped her haul a bed that she had kept there, and he gave her his number. Two weeks later, he helped her move more furniture and then called to check in on her. A friendship flourished.
“I was lonely, he was lonely,” said Ms. Hernandez, a widow whose children were grown. “We enjoyed each other’s company.”
On Mother’s Day in 2021, he joined her family for brunch. Mr. Barranco’s shrimp ceviche was a hit with her two sons and her parents. So was he.
“He was quiet at first,” her oldest son, Rigo Hernandez, now 40, recalled, “but there was a warmth about him that spoke louder than words.”
On Feb. 18, 2023, with the Pacific Ocean as their backdrop, they were married in a small ceremony officiated by Mr. Hernandez.
By then, all three of Mr. Barranco’s sons were in the Marine Corps.
“My father brought us up to respect this country and to appreciate the opportunities we would have,” Alejandro said.
‘I Never Thought This Could Happen’
Footage taken by bystanders of Mr. Barranco’s arrest went viral. The videos show several agents standing above him while others hold him down. One agent, kneeling at his side, strikes Mr. Barranco repeatedly in the head, neck and left shoulder as he groans. The agents force him into an S.U.V. with the aid of a metal rod.
The Department of Homeland Security posted a seven-second video of Mr. Barranco wielding the weed trimmer as agents pepper sprayed him. “Perhaps the mainstream media would like our officers to stand there and be mowed down instead of defending themselves?” Tricia McLaughlin, a department spokeswoman, wrote on X. The agency did not respond to a request for any additional comment beyond the post on X.
When Alejandro saw the videos, he flung his cellphone in anger.
The family gathered to make a plan. Alejandro, the only son released from active duty at the time, would take the lead in speaking out. Mr. Hernandez, Ms. Hernandez’s son, would contact federal and state lawmakers.
The family started a GoFundMe to raise money for a lawyer. The page featured photographs of the Barranco boys in uniform. In one image, Mr. Barranco is at a memorial service to fallen soldiers.
Alejandro began fielding news media requests. He tried to be measured in his comments. He said his father was a productive member of the community who hadn’t hurt anyone. The use of force by agents was excessive, unjustified and unprofessional, he said.
He said he felt betrayed by the country that he and his brothers loved and were willing to die for.
“There are many people in the military with immigrant parents like my dad,” Jose Luis said. “I never thought this could happen to him.”
The brothers expressed regret that they hadn’t managed to sponsor their father for a green card, which they were eligible to do as Americans and as servicemen.
“We saw a lawyer who wanted $5,000 just to start the process,” Alejandro recalled. He added, “Everyone was so busy in the military.”
Camaraderie Among Detainees
Mr. Barranco recalls being transported to the immigration detention center in Adelanto, Calif., with an Asian man, an African man and a fellow Latino. They arrived at the lockup, which can hold nearly 2,000 immigrants, before sunrise and waited all day to be processed.
In a barrackslike pod, he was assigned to I-33 “low,” the bottom bed of a metal-framed bunk. He received three blue shirts, two pairs of pants and one pair of underwear. His neighbor, in bunk I-32 low, eventually gave him an extra pair.
He counted 172 men in the room.
“I befriended several people,” Mr. Barranco said, producing a list with the names and cellphone numbers of eight detainees.
Mr. Barranco’s family deposited money into his account so he could make phone calls and buy items like chips, coffee and instant noodles to supplement the unappetizing institutional food, he said.
He shared both his phone and his commissary credit with detainees whose families did not know their whereabouts or who could not afford the expensive calls and items. One was an Iranian man whose wife was about to give birth.
One day, Mr. Barranco bought 10 packets of noodle soup mix and distributed them. Someone handed him a pencil. It gave him an outlet for his anguish, he said.
He began to scrawl on scraps of paper he found. Prayers. Feelings. Names.
A Path to Freedom
Mr. Barranco had no idea that his arrest had prompted protests and galvanized volunteers across Orange County.
Strangers delivered food, flowers and messages of support to his home.
Six days after his arrest, the Orange County Rapid Response Network, in coordination with his family, held a candlelight vigil and a peaceful march to honor Mr. Barranco and denounce indiscriminate immigration sweeps. Thousands of dollars flowed into the GoFundMe, enough to hire Lisa Ramirez, an immigration lawyer, to seek Mr. Barranco’s release, fight his deportation case and help him gain legal status in the United States.
Given that he is a father to a veteran, “Narciso could have been an American citizen by now,” Ms. Ramirez said.
Ms. Ramirez submitted a request to the government for “parole in place,” a program that allows undocumented parents of U.S. military members to remain lawfully in the country and work while they await approval for permanent residency.
Mr. Barranco’s wife, Ms. Hernandez, a U.S. citizen, offered another path, but one that would have required him to return to Mexico to complete the process. He would be separated from his family, likely for years, with no assurance he would be allowed to return.
Ms. Ramirez filed a motion for a bond hearing in immigration court. It included the birth certificates of his sons and proof of their military service, as well as the accolades from the school district and Congress for his parental involvement and other evidence of his good moral character.
Mr. Barranco had his hearing after 19 days in lockup. The government asked the judge to hold him without bond, as is common. Ms. Ramirez asked the judge to release him on the minimum bond of $1,500, arguing that he had three U.S.-born military sons and was not a flight risk.
The prosecutor requested a $13,000 bond. The judge set it at $3,000.
After his release five days later, Mr. Barranco stopped at an In-N-Out for a cheeseburger combo and vanilla shake.
Mr. Barranco made public remarks a few days after that at a news conference in downtown Santa Ana.
“To the community, I don’t have the words to truly express what I feel in my heart,” he said in Spanish, choking up. “So I can just say thank you for standing with my family and my children, for being by their side.” He also shared a message of hope for families of detainees.
A Working Man on Pause
Since his release, Mr. Barranco has mostly stayed home, venturing out on Sundays for church. Alejandro and Jose Luis, two of his sons, are covering his jobs.
He is alone while Ms. Hernandez is at work much of the day. His companions are Revoltosa, a cockatoo who has a predilection for perching on his right shoulder, and Snoopy, his small, fluffy white dog.
“They relieve my stress,” he said.
At 8 a.m. each day, he logs into a two-hour online English class. The ankle monitor he was fitted with before leaving Adelanto has since been removed. But three times a week, he must check in with Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
At 11:10 a.m. on a recent Thursday, during an interview for this article, his phone buzzed. His expression tensed as he entered a code and took a selfie, part of the monitoring protocol. Agents have also shown up at his door without notice.
He spends time in the garden, caring for his heirloom tomatoes, squash, peppers and cucumbers. A guava tree has recently taken root. He also tends the geraniums, jasmine and day lilies. In the kitchen, he puts his culinary talents to work preparing carne asada, ceviche and other dishes.
Mr. Barranco has also been keeping a journal. During an interview, he opened to the first page and read aloud. “At 4 a.m. on a Saturday, the routine of a poor gardener began. Then … ” His voice faltered and his face crumpled.
He tried to continue.
“Something happened that never could have been expected,” he said and then slammed the journal shut. “I can’t,” he said.
As of Tuesday, his lawyer had yet to receive acknowledgment from the government that his application for parole in place was under review.
He Raised Three Marines. His Wife Is American. The U.S. Wants to Deport Him.
After three decades in California, Narciso Barranco was arrested by agents while weeding outside an IHOP, stirring outrage and a fight to stop his deportation.
Los Angeles police officers fired over 1,000 projectiles at protesters on a single day in June as demonstrators pushed back against the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown and decision to deploy the National Guard to the nation’s second largest city.
The police department released a state-mandated report Monday on use of force against protesters that included numbers on bean bags, rubber and foam rounds, and tear gas deployed during days of protests in Los Angeles.
On June 6, police fired 34 rounds at about 100 people. On June 8, police fired 1,040 projectiles at about 6,000 people, including 20 rounds of CS gas, a type of tear gas. Six injuries were reported as a result of those projectiles.
There were 584 police officers responding that day, the department said. Protesters had blocked off a major freeway and set self-driving cars on fire.
The report was concerning to Josh Parker, deputy director of policy at the New York University School of Law Policing Project.
“The sense that I got from that data is that if that’s how you police a protest, then you’re policing it wrong,” Parker said.
The protests have put the use of these types of munitions by law enforcement under scrutiny. After journalists were shot, a federal judge granted a temporary restraining order that blocked LA police from using rubber projectiles and other munitions against reporters.
A protester who was hit and lost a finger filed a civil rights lawsuit against the city of LA and county sheriff’s department.
California in 2021 restricted the use of less lethal munitions until alternatives to force have been tried to control a crowd. Police cannot aim “indiscriminately” into a crowd or at the head, neck or any other vital organs. They also cannot fire solely for a curfew violation, verbal threats toward officers, or not complying with directions given by law enforcement, such as when they order an unlawful assembly to disperse.
“To see such a high number of projectiles discharged in a relatively short time period gives me grave concern that the law and those best practices were violated,” Parker said.
A spokesperson for the Los Angeles Police Department did not immediately respond to a request for comment. LAPD was planning a “comprehensive evaluation of each use-of-force incident,” said Chief Jim McDonnell in a statement reported June 23 by the Los Angeles Times.
The days of protests in “dangerous, fluid and ultimately violent conditions” left 52 officers with injuries that required medical treatment, McDonnell said. Officers were justified in their actions to prevent further harm, he said.
“Agitators in the crowd vandalized buildings, threw rocks, broken pieces of concrete, Molotov cocktails, and other objects toward law enforcement officers,” the report said.
Many protesters left by evening, but some formed a barricade of chairs on one street and threw objects at police on the other side. Others standing above the closed southbound 101 Freeway threw chunks of concrete, rocks, electric scooters and fireworks at California Highway Patrol officers and their vehicles parked on the highway.
Police issued multiple unlawful assembly orders shutting down demonstrations in several blocks of downtown Los Angeles but the crowd remained and munitions were used to bring the situation under control, the report said.
A box that read, “Other de-escalation techniques or other alternatives to force attempted,” was blank.
Parker said departments should plan for when a crowd begins throwing objects or being unruly, drawing on crowd management techniques.
“It’s important that law enforcement agencies not needlessly provoke the crowd” with aggressive language or weapons on display, he said.
Los Angeles sheriff’s deputies far outpaced the LAPD’s use of projectiles. With more than 80 deputies responding, the department deployed over 2,500 projectiles on June 8, the agency reported last week. It also said there were “hundreds to thousands” of people.
The California Highway Patrol, whose 153 officers responded to protesters blocking a major downtown freeway, estimated a crowd of about 2,000 people and used 271 rounds.
The tallies reported by LA police and deputies are high, especially considering the small number of deputies sent by the sheriff’s department, said retired LAPD Lt. Jeff Wenninger, who provides expert testimony for court cases.
“I don’t believe law enforcement officers or commanders truly understand the extent of this law, the restriction it provides,” he said. “And they just default back to old practices.”
LA police fired over a thousand projectiles at protesters in a single day
Los Angeles police officers fired over a thousand projectiles at Trump administration protesters on a single day in June.
Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker also speculated about the president’s neurological health during a separate conversation.
President Donald Trump and California Gov. Gavin Newsom (D) traded barbs on social media on Tuesday, with plenty of name-calling.
Trump trashed Newsom as “Newscum” ― a name he often uses for the governor ― while Newsom’s press office accused the president of suffering from dementia.
At least one other Democratic governor, Illinois’ JB Pritzker, also suggested the president may have “some” dementia during an unrelated discussion on Tuesday.
Trump lashed out at Newsom in a lengthy post on Truth Social, claiming the governor is “is in final stages of approval” for low-income housing in the “super luxury” Pacific Palisades neighborhood of Los Angeles after the devastating fires earlier this year.
He also claimed Newsom “allowed their houses to burn” by “not accepting” water from the Pacific Northwest.
During a recent bilateral meeting with Polish President Karol Nawrocki, Donald Trump hypocritically ranted about California Governor Gavin Newsom and his body language, specifically his hand gestures. Trump, who is known for wildly flailing his hands like he’s playing the accordion, should be the last person to call others out on their hand gestures.
A federal judge who ruled last week that the Trump administration broke federal law by sending National Guard troops to the Los Angeles area said Tuesday he will not immediately consider a request to bar the ongoing use of 300 Guard troops.
In a court order, Senior District Judge Charles Breyer in San Francisco said he was not sure he had the authority to consider California’s motion for a preliminary injunction blocking the administration’s further deployment of state National Guard troops. That’s because the case is on appeal before the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, the judge said.
Breyer indefinitely paused all proceedings related to the state’s motion, though he suggested California officials could file the request with the 9th Circuit.
An email to the California attorney general’s office late Tuesday was not immediately returned.
Breyer’s Sept. 2 ruling took on heightened importance amid President Donald Trump’s talk of National Guard deployments to other Democratic-led cities like Chicago, Baltimore and New York. Trump has already deployed the Guard as part of his unprecedented law enforcement takeover targeting crime, immigration and homelessness in Washington, where he has direct legal control over the District of Columbia National Guard.
The Trump administration sent troops to the Los Angeles area in early June after days of protests over immigration raids.
Breyer ruled the administration “willfully” broke federal law, saying the government knew “they were ordering troops to execute domestic law beyond their usual authority” while using “armed soldiers ( whose identity was often obscured by protective armor) and military vehicles to set up protective perimeters and traffic blockades, engage in crowd control, and otherwise demonstrate a military presence in and around Los Angeles.”
He did not require the 300 remaining soldiers to leave but pointed out that they received improper training and ordered the administration to stop using them “to execute the laws.” The order that applies only to California was supposed to take effect Sept. 12, but the 9th Circuit has put it on hold for now.
California later sought a preliminary injunction blocking an Aug. 5 order from the administration extending the deployment of the 300 troops for another 90 days.
The further deployment “would ensure that California’s residents will remain under a form of military occupation until early November,” including while voting on Nov. 4 on whether to adopt new congressional maps — “an election with national attention and significance,” state officials said in a court filing.
Judge pauses California’s request to bar Trump administration’s ongoing use of National Guard troops
A federal judge who ruled last week that the Trump administration broke federal law by sending National Guard troops to the Los Angeles area says he will not immediately consider a request to bar the ongoing use of 300 Guard troops.
Having rebranded the Department of Defense as the Department of War, the president is going on offense with the US military.
Donald Trump has foisted National Guard troops on Washington, DC, and Los Angeles. Other cities are on edge, particularly after he posted an apparently artificially generated image of himself dressed up like Robert Duvall’s surfing cavalry commander in “Apocalypse Now,” a meme that seemed to suggest he was threatening war on the city of Chicago.
Trump later clarified that the US would not go to war on Chicago, but he’s clearly comfortable joking about it. And he’s of the opinion his authority over the military is absolute.
“Not that I don’t have the right to do anything I want to do. I’m the president of the United States,” he said at a Cabinet meeting in August, when he was asked about the prospect of Chicagoans engaging in nonviolent resistance against the US military.
He’s reorienting the US military to focus on drug traffickers as terrorists and told Congress to expect more military strikes after the US destroyed a boat in the Caribbean last week.
All of this projects the kind of strongman decisiveness Trump admires.
A lot of it might also be illegal.
A ‘violation of the Posse Comitatus Act’
US District Judge Charles Breyer ruled this month that Trump and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth committed a “a serious violation of the Posse Comitatus Act” when they deployed federalized troops to Los Angeles over the objections of the state’s governor and mayor.
The Posse Comitatus Act was passed by Congress in 1878 as Southern states worked to oust federal troops and end Reconstruction. Questions over how and whether troops can be used to enforce laws goes back to the pre-Civil War period, when federal marshals sought help from citizens and militiamen in recovering fugitive slaves and putting down the protests of abolitionists, according to the Congressional Research Service.
It is not clear why Trump has not yet, as he has promised, called up the National Guard to patrol in Chicago, but he may be waiting for the Supreme Court, which has been extremely deferential to his claims of authority, to weigh in on a preliminary basis.
Trump has more authority to deploy the military inside Washington, DC, which the Constitution says Congress controls. But Congress has ceded some authority to locally elected officials in recent decades. DC’s Attorney General Brian Schwalb has sued the Trump administration over the deployment.
Testing the War Powers Act
Trump’s strike on a boat in the Caribbean is also on murky legal ground.
After Vietnam, Congress overrode Richard Nixon’s veto to pass another law, the War Powers Act of 1973, which requires presidents to notify Congress within 48 hours of a military strike. And Trump did do that, at least his third such notification since taking office in January. Trump also sent notifications to Congress about his strike against an Iranian nuclear facility and Houthi rebels who were attacking shipping routes.
The Reiss Center at New York University maintains a database of War Powers Act notifications going back to the 1970s.
Cartels as terrorist organizations
In the notification about the Caribbean strike, Trump’s administration argued that it has declared drug cartels are terrorist organizations and that he operated within his constitutional authority to protect the country when he ordered the strike.
Strikes against terrorists have been authorized under the catchall vote that authorized the use of military force against Islamic terrorists after the 9/11 terror attacks.
But Congress, which the Constitution puts in charge of declaring war, has not authorized the use of military force against Venezuelan drug cartels.
Lack of explanation from the White House
Over the weekend, CNN’s Katie Bo Lillis, Natasha Bertrand and Zachary Cohen reported that the Pentagon abruptly canceled classified briefings to key House and Senate committees with oversight of the military, which means lawmaker have been unable to get the legal justification for the strike.
Many Americans might celebrate the idea of a military strike to take out drug dealers, and the administration is clearly primed to lean on the idea that the cartels are terrorists.
“The strike was the obvious result of designating them a terrorist organization,” said one person familiar with the Pentagon’s thinking. “If there was a boat full of al Qaeda fighters smuggling explosives towards the US, would anyone even ask this question?”
Few details
It’s not yet clear which military unit was responsible for the strike, what intelligence suggested there were drugs onboard, who was on the boat or what the boat was carrying.
“The attack on the smuggling vessel in the Caribbean was so extraordinary because there was no reported attempt to stop the boat or detain its crew,” wrote Brian Finucane, a former State Department legal advisor now at International Crisis Group for the website Just Security. “Instead, the use of lethal force was used in the first resort.”
Secretary of State Marco Rubio said the US could have interdicted the boat and made a legal case against those onboard, but it decided instead to blow up the boat. The notice to Congress makes clear the administration will continue with other strikes.
War crime? Vance doesn’t ‘give a sh*t’
“The decision to blow up the boat and kill everyone onboard when interdiction and detention was a clearly available option is manifestly illegal and immoral,” Oona Hathaway, a law professor and director of the Center for Global Legal Challenges at Yale Law School, told me in an email.
The view of the administration could be best summarized by Vice President JD Vance stating that using the military to go after cartels is “the highest and best use of our military.”
When a user on X replied that the extrajudicial killing of civilians without presenting evidence is, by definition, a war crime, Vance, himself a Yale-educated lawyer, said this:
“I don’t give a sh*t what you call it.”
That’s not an acceptable response even for some Republicans.
“Did he ever read To Kill a Mockingbird?” wrote Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky in his own post on X. “Did he ever wonder what might happen if the accused were immediately executed without trial or representation?? What a despicable and thoughtless sentiment it is to glorify killing someone without a trial.”
Congress has power it likely won’t use
Congress has the power to stop Trump’s campaign against boats in the Caribbean. The War Powers Act allows lawmakers in the House and Senate to demand the president seek approval before continuing a campaign longer than 60 days. But that seems unlikely to occur at the moment.
After the strike against Iran earlier this year, Paul was the only Republican senator to side with Democrats and demand Trump seek approval for any future Iran strikes.
During his first term, seven Republicans voted with Senate Democrats to hem in Trump’s ability to strike against Iran after he ordered the killing of Iranian commander Qasem Soleimani. But there were not enough votes to overcome Trump’s veto that year.
Trump’s authority to use military force without congressional approval of the Caribbean operation technically expires after 60 days after he reports on the use of force, although he can extend it by an additional 30 days, although he could also declare a new operation is underway.
The use of these kinds of tactics has likely been in the works for some time.
In February, Trump designated drug cartels, including Venezuela’s Tren de Aragua, as foreign terror organizations. In April, CNN reported the CIA was reviewing whether it had authority to use lethal force against drug cartels.
But the military strike against the alleged cartel boat happened as part of a broader campaign against Venezuela, including positioning US ships, aircraft and a submarine in the Caribbean, according to a CNN report.
Trump may have campaigned as a president who would end wars, but he’s governing like a president who is very comfortable using his military.
Analysis: Trump claims he can do anything he wants with the military. Here’s what the law says | CNN Politics
Having rebranded the Department of Defense as the Department of War, the president is going on offense with the US military.