Latin Times: ‘Alligator Alcatraz’ Could Be Shut Down, But Not Due To Its Harsh Conditions For Migrants

A judge is set to hear arguments to decide whether to halt operations due to environmental concerns

The Florida migrant detention center known as “Alligator Alcatraz” could potentially be shut down due to environmental concerns, with a judge set to hear arguments on the matter on Wednesday.

ABC News detailed that there will be an evidentiary hearing over whether to block operations at the facility because construction allegedly by passed the environmental impact studies required by the federal government.

The outlet added that the hearing will be limited to environmental issues, but testimonies are also expected to further illustrate conditions at the facility. Plaintiffs are alleging that operations are endangering the Big Cypress National Preserve and the Big Cypress Area, considered ecologically sensitive and protected. They hold threatened species including the Everglade snail kite, the Florida panther, wood stork and the Florida bonneted bat.

The Miccosukee Indian Tribe, which has leased land next to Alligator Alcatraz, joined the lawsuit last month, claiming that it threatens to damage tribal villages.

“The hasty transformation of the Site into a mass detention facility, which includes the installation of housing units, construction of sanitation and food services systems, industrial high-intensity lighting infrastructure, diesel power generators, substantial fill material altering the natural terrain, and provision of transportation logistics (including apparent planned use of the runway to receive and deport detainees) poses clear environmental impacts,” reads a passage of the lawsuit.

Florida Department of Emergency Management executive director Kevin Guthrie, named as a defendant in the case, said the state is not subjected to the required regulations. He added that the environmental impact is low because the location was already an active airfield.

Advocates are also calling for the facility to be shut down as they decry “unlivable” conditions that include mosquitoe-ridden units and lights being on all the time.

“Detention conditions are unlivable,” Tessa Petit, executive director of the Florida Immigrant Coalition, said in a press conference in late July, as reported by NBC News.

In another passage of the conference, Rafael Collado, an inmate being held there, said through his wife’s mobile phone that the place is “like a dog cage.” He added that poor sanitation and floodwater from recent storms led him to get fungus on his feet.

Collado went on to claim detainees are stripped naked when moved between cells and that he has no schedule to take blood pressure medication. He was then told by a guard to end the call.

Juan Palma, another detainee, told the outlet that he feels like his life is in danger. He added he feels in a constant “state of torture.”

https://www.latintimes.com/alligator-alcatraz-could-shut-down-not-due-its-harsh-conditions-migrants-588047

Law & Crime: ‘Lacks any basis in fact’: San Francisco warns judge that Trump admin is ‘ignoring’ injunction by again trying to limit funds

A coalition of cities and counties led by San Francisco is imploring a federal court to continue forcing the Trump administration to comply with a preliminary injunction and subsequent clarification – and accusing the government of expressly violating the orders in question.

In the underlying litigation, the plaintiffs sued President Donald Trump and others over two executive orders — “Protecting the American People Against Invasion” and “Ending Taxpayer Subsidization of Open Borders” — issued in January and February, respectively, which threatened to cut off all federal funds for jurisdictions deemed to run afoul of federal immigration priorities.

On April 24, Senior U.S. District Judge William Orrick, a Barack Obama appointee, all-but termed the state of affairs a rerun and enjoined the executive orders with a preliminary injunction – likening the latest funding threats to a series of similarly-kiboshed threats issued during the first Trump administration.

Then, on April 28, Trump issued what the plaintiffs, in a motion to enforce the injunction, termed “yet another” executive order “which triples down on his threat to defund ‘sanctuary’ jurisdictions.” In turn, on May 9, Orrick shut the government down again.

Now, the plaintiffs say the Trump administration is up to its old tricks.

On Friday, in a six-page reply to a recent defendants’ response to the court’s order, San Francisco asked the court to make sure the Trump administration is not illegally cutting funds from a specific U.S. Housing and Urban Development (HUD) program.

“This Court has clarified that ‘[t]he Preliminary Injunction in this case reaches any subsequent Executive Order or Government action that poses the same coercive threat to eliminate or suspend federal funding based on the Government’s assertion that a jurisdiction is a ‘sanctuary’ jurisdiction,” the motion begins. “The Court has also already reminded Defendants that ‘[t]he Government cannot avoid liability down the line by ‘hewing to the narrow letter of the injunction’ while ‘simultaneously ignoring its spirit.’ Yet Defendants are doing exactly that.”

The latest alleged violation is due to a new condition on billions in previously-awarded anti-homelessness grants.

The new condition reads as follows:

No state or unit of general local government that receives funding under this grant may use that funding in a manner that by design or effect facilitates the subsidization or promotion of illegal immigration or abets policies that seek to shield illegal aliens from deportation.

San Francisco and the myriad other cities and counties have two major objections to this language.

First, the plaintiffs say it’s yet another violation of the injunction.

“Defendants have not demonstrated any connection between the conscription of local governments into federal immigration enforcement, and the housing and supportive services funded by the [anti-homelessness] grants—nor could they, because there is none,” the motion argues.

Second, the plaintiffs suggest the ensuing ordeal to defend the new, anti-immigrant language is ample parts red herring.

“Defendants point to a provision authorizing ‘other’ conditions that further the purposes of the authorizing statute, Title IV of the McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act, but that statute does not relate to immigration enforcement,” the motion goes on. “Defendants next argue that the grant conditions quoted above ‘merely require compliance with federal immigration laws,’—a claim that lacks any basis in fact.”

The plaintiffs go on to argue that the court’s injunction – and clarifying order – have already dealt with the prospect of attaching immigration enforcement-related conditions on anti-homelessness funds. And, the plaintiffs say, the court has never been convinced.

“The Court’s Order Regarding Disputes found that Defendants had ‘not yet attempted to show the required nexus’ between ‘the kinds of services that the HUD [anti-homelessness] grants provide—safety-net services for the cities’ most vulnerable populations, including the homeless, veterans, and unaccompanied youth’ and ‘immigration enforcement,'” the motion goes on. “Defendants still have not shown (and cannot show) any such nexus.”

San Francisco accuses the Trump administration of trying to claim a relationship – between the HUD funds and immigration law – that does not exist. Rather, the plaintiffs say, the government is simply paraphrasing one of the enjoined executive orders to make it sound like the purported statutory condition.

From the motion, at length:

Contrary to Defendants’ assertion that the HUD [anti-homelessness] grant condition “merely requires recipients to comply with federal immigration laws,”  that grant condition is plainly based on the enjoined Executive Orders and directs the withholding of funding based on lawful policies that limit local cooperation with federal immigration enforcement. The HUD [anti-homelessness] grant condition is pulled nearly word-for-word from the fatally ambiguous language of Section 2(a)(ii) of Executive Order 14,218.

The U.S. Department of Justice, for its part, also argues the recent landmark U.S. Supreme Court ruling that narrowed down the pathways to nationwide, or universal, injunctions is relevant to the dispute over the anti-homelessness funds.

“Defendants note the Supreme Court’s decision in Trump v. CASA, Inc. provides that injunctive relief must be limited to the parties in a litigation,” the government’s motion reads. “On that basis alone, extending this Court’s preliminary injunction to HUD as a non-party is improper.”

San Francisco says this argument essentially gets the high court’s decision not entirely unlike exactly backwards.

“Defendants misconstrue CASA,” the plaintiffs’ filing goes on. “That case addressed jurisprudential concerns about extending relief to plaintiffs who are not party to a lawsuit. Here, unlike in CASA, the Court did not issue a universal injunction but instead limited relief to the Plaintiffs. In order to ensure that Plaintiffs obtain complete relief, the Court enjoined ‘named defendants and any other agency or individual acting in concert with or as an agent of the President or other defendants to implement’ the enjoined Executive Orders.”

In other words, San Francisco explains how the justices issued an opinion about the propriety of fashioning injunctive relief for too many plaintiffs – coming down against broad relief. The DOJ, however, appears to be trying to extend the CASA ruling into a rule about extending the reach of an injunction to another defendant. This, San Francisco notes, is not at all what the Supreme Court addressed.

The Trump administration, in a related argument, also says allowing the plaintiffs to challenge the immigration language amounts to “overreach” that “would impermissibly expand this lawsuit far beyond what Plaintiffs have pled.”

San Francisco says both of these arguments are irrelevant – because the court did not ask for such briefing – and incorrect.

Again, the motion, at length:

Defendants’ non-responsive arguments about notice pleading and the propriety of nationwide injunctions are meritless. As this Court has held, Plaintiffs’ claims for relief—upon which they are likely to succeed—are based on ample pleadings and evidence regarding the Executive Orders’ explicit threat to end all federal funding “to the Cities and Counties (the plaintiffs in this case).” Accordingly, the Court’s Preliminary Injunction fairly reaches any federal agency “action to withhold from, freeze, or condition federal funds” to Plaintiffs on the basis of the Executive Orders. Moreover, because the Court’s relief applies only to the Plaintiff Cities and Counties, Trump v. CASA is inapplicable.

Law & Crime: ‘Flip-side of the same coin’: Trump-appointed judge dismisses White House lawsuit by using Supreme Court precedent that tossed nationwide injunctions

The Trump administration may not terminate its agencies’ collective bargaining agreements (CBAs), in large part because allowing it to do so would be similar to the “judicial overreach” that the Supreme Court sought to mitigate in a recent ruling in favor of President Donald Trump, a federal judge ruled on Wednesday.

The White House’s attempt to toss out labor unions from key federal agencies, as U.S. District Judge Alan Albright of the Western District of Texas put it, boils down to the authority that the different branches of government possess.

And on this matter, because the Trump administration’s lawsuit was preemptive – that is, asking the court to approve of their future conduct in breaking the CBAs as part of an executive order – the judge found that his hands were tied.

To explain why he came to that decision, the judge pointed to the highest court in the land and its recent case in Trump v. CASA that severely limited the power of U.S. district judges to issue nationwide injunctions.

“This Court’s decision to dismiss this case for lack of jurisdiction is bolstered by the Supreme Court’s recent decision in Trump v. CASA, wherein the Supreme Court held that universal injunctions likely exceed the equitable authority that Congress has granted to federal courts,” Albright, a Trump appointee from the president’s first term, wrote in a 27-page filing.

In making its decision in the landmark birthright citizenship case, the Supreme Court found that universal injunctions were not present for most of the country’s history. And in this case, the district judge opined, the White House asked a court to go a step further – by asking for relief to do something before having even begun.

Albright wrote, at length:

Here, pre-enforcement declaratory judgments pre-approving an Executive Order have been conspicuously nonexistent for all of this Nation’s history. CASA was not decided upon the issue of standing before us today. Nonetheless, the practical impact of the holding in CASA as well as the core legal principle espoused by the Supreme Court remains central to this Court’s decision today— “federal courts do not exercise general oversight of the Executive Branch; they resolve cases and controversies consistent with the authority Congress has given them.” Absent a justiciable case or controversy, this Court will not exercise general oversight of the Executive Branch. Accordingly, this case is dismissed for lack of subject matter jurisdiction.

Trump’s March 27 Executive Order 14251 – titled Exclusions from Federal Labor-Management Relations Programs – declared to “enhance the national security of the United States” by having agencies “have as a primary function intelligence, counterintelligence, investigative, or national security work.”

On the same day, the Office of Personnel Management issued a memo to the relevant agencies – which include the Department of Defense and Department of State – that they are “no longer required to collectively bargain with Federal unions.”

It is also on this fateful March day that the administration filed its lawsuit against the American Federation of Government Employees (AFGE), the largest labor union representing federal workers, seeking pre-approval for the termination of the CBAs. The timing of that action is where the district judge takes issue, finding that no “controversy” requiring him to act existed at the time of the lawsuit because the executive order had not yet been publicly announced.

“It is difficult to imagine how the parties could have formed a concrete dispute over the Executive Order when that document had not yet been released to the public,” Albright wrote. And because a “controversy” could not be found, the White House did not have the legal authority to bring the case, and the court did not have the jurisdiction to hear it.

The Texas-based judge was not unsympathetic to the Trump administration’s position, however. Pointing to nearly 25 nationwide injunctions being filed in the first 100 days of the administration, Albright wrote: “The Court is sympathetic to the administration’s desire for legal certainty with respect to its ability to enforce its Executive Orders when faced with the unavoidable reality that a district court somewhere will likely issue a universal injunction.”

But, again pointing to the Supreme Court, he wrote that “it is appropriate to presume” district courts will follow the high court’s ruling in Trump v. CASA and “curtail the availability” of nationwide injunctions – thus helping ease their concerns.

Albright focused on the issue of precedent while underscoring how much the judiciary can step in on the executive branch’s behalf.

“Allowing the government to seek a declaratory judgment every time (as in this case) the Executive signs a new Executive Order appears to this Court to simply be an escalation in the battle to gain some advantage by being able to select the venue in which the litigation is filed,” he wrote. “The perception, whether correct or not, that one party or the other can gain advantage by selecting a favorable forum threatens the legitimacy of the federal courts.”

He then concluded by once again referencing the Supreme Court’s recent ruling.

“[T]he relief Plaintiffs now seek is roughly the flip-side of the same coin as the relief sought by litigants seeking nationwide injunctions against this Administration,” Albright wrote. “One litigant rushes off to select a forum it perceives to be favorable to enjoin an Executive Order; and the Administration now rushes to preempt that injunction with a declaratory judgment in its own forum of choice.”

“While the Court understands the reasoning behind the Administration’s response to what it perceives as improper judicial overreach, the solution to perceived judicial overreach is not more judicial overreach, but a return to the principles of judicial restraint and strict adherence to the constitutional limits imposed upon the federal judiciary,” he concluded.

Seeking a national injunction in support of executive order(s) not yet issued — that’s quite a stretch, and then some!

Law & Crime: ‘Violates the First Amendment’: Judge bars Trump admin from imposing sanctions on US human rights advocates who work for international court

A federal judge in Maine on Friday barred the Trump administration from enforcing sanctions on two U.S. citizens and human rights advocates who work with the International Criminal Court (ICC).

On April 11, Matthew Smith and Akila Radhakrishnan, a human rights nonprofit leader and lawyer, respectively, filed a 39-page lawsuit against President Donald Trump and several other members of his administration over an executive order that imposes sanctions on the ICC, prohibits certain interactions with designated ICC officials, and threatens both civil and criminal penalties for any such violations.

The lawsuit was premised on the idea that the sanctions “violate their First Amendment rights, and those of others like them, by prohibiting their constitutionally protected speech.” The plaintiffs, in late April, requested a preliminary injunction barring the government “from imposing civil or criminal penalties on them” for “provision of speech-based services” to the ICC’s Office of the Prosecutor (OTP).

Now, U.S. District Judge Nancy Torresen, a Barack Obama appointee, has granted that requested relief in a 16-page order.

“[T]he Executive Order appears to burden substantially more speech than necessary,” the judge wrote. “Accordingly, the Plaintiffs have established likely success on the merits of their First Amendment challenge.”

The government argued Trump’s order advanced a “compelling” and “important” interest in “protecting the personnel of the United States and its allies from investigation, arrest, detention, and prosecution by the ICC without the consent of the United States or its allies.”

The judge, however, found the executive order too broadly written and mused that it “appears to restrict substantially more speech than necessary to further that end.”

In Executive Order 14203, titled, “Imposing Sanctions on the International Criminal Court,” the 45th and 47th president said he was motivated by the ICC’s “illegitimate and baseless actions targeting America and [its] close ally Israel.”

The court takes stock of the president’s cited justification for issuing the sanctions, at length:

The Executive Order condemns the ICC’s investigations of U.S. and Israeli personnel and its issuance of arrest warrants for Israel’s current Prime Minister and former Minister of Defense. The Executive Order, emphasizing that neither the U.S. nor Israel is a party to the ICC’s founding treaty, asserts that the ICC’s conduct “threatens to infringe upon” U.S. sovereignty and “undermin[es]” the “critical national security and foreign policy work” of the United States, Israel, and other U.S. allies

But, the court notes, the plaintiffs’ work has nothing to do with the United States or Israel. Rather, the court explains, Smith’s work has focused on “the OTP’s investigation and prosecution of atrocity crimes against the ethnic minority Rohingya people in the People’s Republic of Bangladesh and the Republic of the Union of Myanmar.” And Radhakrishnan’s work has focused on “matters involving sexual and gender-based violence, particularly in Afghanistan.”

The judge then applies the executive order as written to the facts alleged by the plaintiff’s about their work for the ICC’s OTP.

“The Executive Order broadly prohibits any speech-based services that benefit the Prosecutor, regardless of whether those beneficial services relate to an ICC investigation of the United States, Israel, or another U.S. ally,” the order reads. “The Government does not explain how its stated interest would be undermined—or even impacted—by the Plaintiffs’ services to the OTP related to the ICC’s ongoing work in Bangladesh, Myanmar, and Afghanistan.”

Torresen goes on to say the plaintiffs’ “irreparable injury is presumed” due to the nature of a First Amendment claim. Here, the judge is essentially saying a violation of the free speech guarantee in the nation’s founding charter is a sufficient injury alone – and does not need to be extensively analyzed.

Notably, while the court notes the plaintiffs alleged Trump’s order “violates the First Amendment” and was in excess of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA), the court did not reach the IEEPA claim.

Finally, the judge balanced the equities – pitting the plaintiffs’ First Amendment injury against the defendant’s interest in “national security and foreign policy interests.” Again, the human rights advocates came out on top.

“I find the Government’s argument unpersuasive,” Torresen intones. “First, the Government has at least implied that injunctive relief is unnecessary because it does not intend to enforce the Executive Order against the Plaintiffs at all. It is hard to square that position with the Government’s assertion that an injunction would impede national security and foreign policy interests.”

In other words, the court says the government is trying to have things both ways by insisting they would never target the plaintiffs while also arguing an order barring them from going after the plaintiffs would be detrimental.

The court then returns to the factual record of the executive order’s stated goals and the plaintiff’s actual human rights work.

“Second, even putting that inconsistency aside, I find the Government’s argument unpersuasive for the same reasons that I find Section 3(a) fails intermediate scrutiny,” the order goes on. “The Government does not explain how the Plaintiffs’ continued services to the Prosecutor concerning atrocities in Bangladesh, Myanmar, or Afghanistan would impede national security and foreign policy interests concerning the United States and Israel.”

The court, in the end, barred the government from sanctioning the plaintiffs for their work with the ICC’s OTP.

“The Government is hereby enjoined from imposing civil or criminal penalties on the Plaintiffs under Executive Order 14203,” the order concludes.

NBC News: Trump administration accuses judge of ‘unprecedented defiance’ of Supreme Court in immigration dispute

The Justice Department asked the Supreme Court to clarify a decision Monday that paved the way for the government to quickly deport criminal immigrants to “third countries.”

 fight over the fate of six migrants the Trump administration wants to deport to South Sudan flared up again on Tuesday as the Justice Department accused a federal judge of “unprecedented defiance” of a Supreme Court decision the previous day.

Solicitor General D. John Sauer filed a motion at the Supreme Court seeking clarification of the Monday evening decision that lifted nationwide restrictions on the administration’s ability to send convicted criminals to “third countries” they have no connection to.

Immediately after the Supreme Court action, Massachusetts-based U.S. District Judge Brian Murphy, who is presiding over the litigation, said in a docket entry he did not believe that a May 21 order he issued that prevented the six people being sent to South Sudan had been blocked by the justices. The detainees are currently being held in a U.S. facility in Djibouti.

Murphy’s understanding was that the high court had blocked only his earlier ruling that set nationwide rules giving those affected a “meaningful opportunity” to bring claims that they would be at risk of torture, persecution or death if they were sent to countries the administration has made deals with to receive deported immigrants.

The Supreme Court itself did not explain its decision and did not specify which of Murphy’s rulings were blocked. But liberal Justice Sonia Sotomayor, who wrote a dissenting opinion, said she did not think Murphy’s May 21 decision was affected.

https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/supreme-court/trump-administration-accuses-judge-unprecedented-defiance-supreme-cour-rcna214735